Spoilt for choice?

Posted in Articles, Law, Media Archive, Politics/Public Policy, United Kingdom on 2012-02-25 03:50Z by Steven

Spoilt for choice?

New Law Journal: Leading on debate, litigation & dispute resolution
Vol 162, Issue 7498
2012-01-26

Adrian Jack, Barrister & Rechtsanwalt
Enterprise Chambers

Encouraging greater judicial diversity is no easy task, says Adrian Jack

The government is consulting on creating greater diversity in the judiciary. Where candidates for judicial appointment are of similar merit, membership of a “protected category” should be a trump card, allowing the candidate with that status to be appointed over the rival.

The idea is a simple one. If a white and a black candidate are of roughly similar merit, the black candidate should be appointed. Likewise, if there were a male and a female candidate, the female should go through.

Immediately though a problem arises. What if a black man is up against a white woman? Does the black man’s ethnicity trump the other candidate’s sex? Or vice versa?

One solution in such a case would be to disregard the protected characteristic of both candidates. However, this would not necessarily increase diversity. Take a woman applying for a tribunal post. In tribunals 38% of judges are women (against 51% in the population at large), whereas the percentage of black, Asian and minority ethnic judges is 10.5%—more than the nine per cent in the population (Report of the Advisory Panel on Judicial Diversity, para 18). A woman should surely be able to argue that the black male candidate’s ethnicity should be ignored (because the tribunal judiciary is already sufficiently ethnically diverse), so giving her the tie-break.

Indeed the problems do not stop there. The consultation implies that it will be readily apparent which candidates have protected characteristics. Yet this is not so. Who is “black”? Someone of mixed race must qualify. But what of someone who is one eighth of black heritage? Or one sixteenth?

In a case of race discrimination in the employment tribunal it is normally sufficient for claimants to self-describe their ethnicity. If a claimant has such a small proportion of black ancestry that they show no physical or cultural signs of that ethnicity, then the claimant is unlikely to show that he was treated less favourably on the ground of his race…

Read the entire opinion piece here.

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To tackle racism, we must tackle ignorance

Posted in Articles, Media Archive, Politics/Public Policy, Social Science, United Kingdom on 2012-02-21 18:26Z by Steven

To tackle racism, we must tackle ignorance

The Times of London
2012-02-14

John Barnes

It’s not about football, it’s about destroying modern myths of colour, race and superiority
 
In 1987 a black friend of mine went into a shop to buy a coat. He asked the assistant if they had it in black and she said no, they only had it in nigger brown. She was a lovely woman, but what would we say if that happened today?
 
If I were to ask players of my generation if they had made a racist comment in a football match, anyone honest would almost certainly say yes. No one batted an eyelid 20 years ago. Now when Alan Hansen says “coloured” rather than “black” (because black used to be an insult) or Luis Suárez says “negrito”, everyone jumps up and down to distance themselves from such remarks. They believe racism has been consigned to the past…

…The Football Association ticks all the right boxes with its policies and campaigns, the Government passes legislation, the Prime Minister gets involved because someone didn’t shake someone’s hand, people queue up to say ignorance is no excuse. But they are wrong. Ignorance is the excuse. To stop it, we have to start talking seriously about race.
 
The idea that race is about colour is relatively modern. When Aristotle spoke about races he was differentiating between uncivilised barbarians and civilised Greeks. But it was introduced by governments, backed by the Church, to validate slavery and colonialism, to justify treating some people as less equal than others. Just as Linnaeus classified plants, so people were classified by the colour of their skin. Academics tried to prove differences in skull formation to give scientific support to the idea that black people were morally and intellectually inferior.
 
But race is not a scientific reality. You could find a tribe in Africa who are genetically closer to Europeans than to an African tribe a hundred miles away. Some Saudis have whiter skin than Italians.
 
The notion of “whiteness” is an ideology of superiority. Nothing similar has ever existed in black culture. Hutus and Tutsis in Rwanda do not see themselves as the same. When the Labour MP Diane Abbott talked on Twitter about “divide and rule” her claims depended on a sense of black identity that wasn’t correct…

Read the entire article here.

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…And… a conjunction of history and imagination

Posted in Africa, Books, Media Archive, Monographs, United Kingdom on 2012-02-18 20:15Z by Steven

…And… a conjunction of history and imagination

Lulu
2010-02-06
206 pages
4.3 wide × 6.9 tall
Paperback ISBN: 5800039355462

Isabel Adonis

And… is a psychological memoir of the lives of my mother and father, Catherine Alice and Denis Williams. Inspired in part by Jamaica Kinkaid’s Mr Potter, the writing explores the nature of identity, place, history, the meaning of a colonial background, the divisiveness of colour, alienation, and the tradition of the English language, which paradoxically both liberates and incarcerates.

My mother was from a small town in North Wales; my father from Guyana, both ex colonies: they met each other in London after the Second World War. My mother already had a child by a black American airman when she met my father, a scholarship student on the first grant awarded by the British Council. My mother had been brought up in an orphanage: she was very literate, religious and poetic and creative.

In London, my father was very quickly famous as a painter, but success, on white terms, proved to be a humiliating experience for him. They travelled to the Sudan to look for his ancestral roots; there he wrote what is considered one of the first postcolonial texts, Other Leopards. They then moved to Nigeria, where he worked with, and befriended, Ulli Beier, Wole Soyinka and others. This was in the 1960s, when the Mbari movement was in its infancy.

My book is not a biography, but focuses on impressions, and charts a holographic journey where simple accounts reveal the depth of their lives together from the point of view of one of their children. Anyone from teenagers onwards can read this multi-layered and imaginative book, whose centre is identity, culture, and the nature of desire. It is simultaneously personal and universal, and ideal for students at school, at college and university or for anybody interested in race, or what it means to be mixed.

The title symbolises the attempt of the writing to deconstruct the hierarchical structure of language, and knit from the fragments of identity, an authorial voice without authority – without the defining rejection of  ‘other’. The stripped down language allows the exploration of the clash of cultures—Welsh, English, and Caribbean.

Chapter One

In which my mother says she wants to be buried in rags and sacking – and is not.

And my mother always said that when she died she wanted to be buried face down in rags and sacking. She wanted nothing else, so that even in her death she could deny desire. She never wanted anything in life or death because for her, the worst thing was to want. And she said, “I don’t want, I don’t know how to want”, so that when it came to mentioning her end, she wanted to not want. She never saw of course that her dying wish was a contradiction, how it contained, in her denial, the very want she was avoiding, and that behind every denial of want was the want; the want she did not want. And she lived her whole life like this, negatively, and perfectly confident at the same time, not of what she wanted but of all that she did not want.

It was amusing, though she was perfectly serious; it was frightening too, since it demanded that I as her daughter would have to act on her wishes, and it was easier to ignore her. Her desire was to extend beyond death itself and this wish seemed to say more about her than almost any other thing. She said, “I don’t want any fuss made over me, I don’t want to be a problem to anyone, I don’t want a coffin, I don’t want a church service.” All contradictions, and her list would be endless, an impossible list of not-wants.

As much as she hated wanting and believed that she could not want, she hated religion even while it was at the centre of her life. “The Lord is my Shepherd I shall not want,” she said quietly to herself; believing that religion and desire were incompatible. It was imprinted on her brain as her earliest memory; wanting and religion did not go together, and if her life was to be religious there was no wanting.

Perhaps this was why she saw that they, the religious ones, wanted too much and therefore the Lord was not their shepherd, as the Lord was her shepherd. Perhaps she saw their hypocrisy but didn’t see her own reflection in them, for she sought always to be purer and yet still purer and she would always have to be lower, and therefore higher, in her relation to the world. She sought humility and she talked of virtue and smallness and she believed she was it; she spoke of those who stole virtue and she would turn every stone until she received God’s grace, even if it didn’t come to her until old age, like some biblical hero, and her life would be transformed by His intervention.

She would be transformed through religious baptism. She prayed for this; the life she was ceaselessly wanting, and while not wanting it she would search the good book,—Y Beibl, which is ‘The Bible’ in English. But her liberation never came, not even in death or before it, and neither did her dying wish that she should be buried in this non-conformist way.

And my mother had no shortage of rags and sacking. She had been collecting them over a long period of time. Some were plain and some had print on them and some were just plain dirty but she didn’t mind dirt. Holding them up to the light she would examine the size and the weave and if they were crumpled she would carefully and lovingly wash each one and dry it on a washing line and air it until it was quite dry. Once she even took out a bradawl, a small tool for pushing small cut strips of cloth through the weave, to make one of her sacks into a mat. And everything she did was for the glory of God, and sewing was a prayer and a meditation to Him, which had its own rewards, not here on earth but in heaven.

‘Rags and sacking’ demonstrated her humility, her smallness, her virtue, and she loved cloth more than wood and sewing more than carpentry. Carpentry was for men and she was not a man; her dealings with wood were restricted to the collecting of twigs for her coal fire. When she lived in Bangor, on the mountain and close to trees and woodland, she bought a red bow saw and a small dark red handled chopping knife to cut these small pieces of wood. Sometimes she could be seen sawing up a long piece of ash. There was an ash tree behind her home and sometimes she would drag smaller branches into her hillside garden and she would cut them again into twigs. But when it came to any consideration of death and dying it wasn’t wood she thought of, it was cloth. And besides, she wanted to resist them, those men that made all kinds of rules about this and that, and every type of human activity, and especially in matters of the human heart. She would express herself through the softness of rags and sacking.

She was a kind of expert on cloth and especially old cloth, it excited her in a sensual way; the smell, the weight, the feel, the weave, the dye and the colour reminded her of a lost skin, of lost love and lost intimacy; her mother’s long dark skirt, her beautifully stitched and starched white cotton blouse with full sleeves, the little buttons at the cuff, her father, Johnny Willy’s wool suit, his bow tie and his tweed cloth cap. She told me years ago, a tale of going upstairs as a child, to the attic and seeing the old clothes which her grandparents had worn and she hadn’t just remembered it, she had absorbed it into her child mind and her child body, and there it had stayed as some hidden language. She told me how she remembered the black and white clothes and how that was an image she had to live by, like the very skin she was in, and she would live with those colours of black and white, an image that would determine her destiny, an image to stand under and live by. Black and white bound her to a past and sustained her present.

She had never said anything about her own mother’s face, her mother’s hair or her mother’s skin or her mother’s ways. She never mentioned her mother’s name or her mother’s life, yet everything about her life spoke of mother. She just said: “She died when I was six.” And when I was very young I thought that when my mother died my eldest sister, Janice would become my mother and then when she died my sister, Evelyn would be my mother and then it would be my turn to be my mother, but it didn’t turn out like that.

Soon after my father left my mother, she busied herself collecting cloth. We had to leave Llandudno because the bank manager had insisted that my mother sell our house. My father had left us in debt, a debt that wouldn’t have mattered if he’d still been working in Africa, but he wasn’t. I can remember he earned about two thousand pounds then and it was called a salary, and this salary included free travel to Africa and the other benefits like boarding-school fees and something called superannuation. The bank manager called her in and he told her. He said: “You will have to have a second mortgage on your home.” And of course she didn’t want a second mortgage because she knew she could not pay the first, and the bank manager knew that too.

The debt meant that we had to leave the first house, which was called Beiteel. It was the first house, my mother had ever had, but it was a house which was never a home or a haven or a place of comfort or anything like that, though she wanted it to be. She had to leave a life, which at one time had almost given her a certain privilege and a certain status. Then she was no longer going up in the world as people say, and there was no more paid travel or boarding-school fees, nor was there anymore any superannuation, not that my mother was particularly interested in that.

And soon after he left we went to live in Bangor, which is just up the coast from Llandudno. There is a university on a hill overlooking the town which is in a river valley, though the river is nowhere to be seen. It was closer the mountains where she could buy a cheaper house and pay off the debt owed to the bank. She began to fill her time with collecting clothes from a charity shop, which was called Oxfam. There was only one charity shop at the time in Bangor, but later there were many more. And when there were more she went to the others.

Sometimes she had arguments with the women who ran the shop and she would return home, full of defiance and hurt and outrage. Most of all she despised their goodness and their monopoly on goodness. The way they had a chance to see all the clothes before she did, the way they wouldn’t let her negotiate for clothes as she would have preferred. Like an African woman she felt it her right to do that – to barter and bargain. She was poor and she could never understand why it was the poor who supported the poor. Each penny spent was noted in a little black and red notebook bought at Woolworth’s and she paid all her bills in instalments long before this idea caught on.

And after a long time she saved eighty pounds in this way and she deposited it in an account at the Halifax Building Society, so that she had another book. This saving pleased her and she was proud of her abilities to manage the very little money she had. She didn’t work outside the home because that was my father’s role and now he was gone and he had taken that life with him; the life she had worked for. She couldn’t stand the isolation, for she was a sociable sort, though she was not one for social niceties.

She kept on buying and collecting. She collected cardigans, jumpers, waistcoats with fancy buttons, wool coats for children, wool coats for grown ups, silk dressing gowns and printed dresses, hats, Kangol berets in all colours, hats in hat boxes and leather gloves and dressing-up gloves made of delicate leather, lacy tops and silk scarves, fox furs and beaver furs and fur coats, pleated skirts and tweed skirts and silk and Scottish kilts and pyjama cases. Each item was lovingly washed or brushed, altered or mended and assigned a place in her bedroom, which was soon bursting like a well-stocked charity shop. The berets were steamed and thoroughly cleaned and she wore them with pride. Every single thing was significant, ordered and perfectly clean, for if anything had a small stain she would douse it with lemon juice or iron it with brown paper or brush it until it was clean.

In addition she collected small things like buttons and lengths of ribbons and braid and broken brooches and expensive pens that didn’t work and endless pairs of reading glasses (for the frames), old leather bags and satchels of different kinds. She liked discarded things and worn things and all those things which were unloved and required attention.

The bedroom suite was a pale wood and had been bought second hand from Auntie Maggie’s son, David, for seventeen pounds, the first and only bedroom suite she had. Auntie Maggie had come to the house in her usual way and said that she had something for my mother. She said: “David is selling a bedroom suite and it is such a bargen.” My mother put so many clothes in the wardrobe, it could not be adequately closed and she had to jam the door shut with a rolled up bit of paper. She had a pair of purple curtains on the window which I had bought for her from Pollecoffs – an old fashioned shop where receipts were always written out by hand with a pen and ink, and the money went on odd journeys around the shop in a lift and a brass container, and men spoke graciously of service.

Her dressing table was covered with used lipstick cases, old perfume bottles, empty talcum powder pots, empty tin tubs of Nivea and empty tin tubs of Boots face cream which was like Nivea, a tube of pink Germolene and a pot of lanolin, a home made silk bag, old safety pins, and boxes of unused Morny soaps. There was always Johnson’s baby powder, a tall white container whose smell of babies filled the air.

For darning she had a mushroom shaped wooden tool over which she stretched a woollen sock for repair: she would unravel the broken threads and begin creating a new warp and weft with a long darning needle and fine wool, kept on a card. She would be sat hunched over by a window straining towards the light as if in prayer, and darning was prayer itself. She could do this for socks and she could do this for stockings and she knew how to make a proper patch for a cotton sheet and how to make a bodice for a girl’s dress and how to make women’s underwear and how to make an ankle on a pair of knitted socks. She knew how to make a girl’s dress and a pair of trousers without a pattern, how to make every kind of skirt and cut it on the bias or how to make a pleat. And she seemed to know how to do everything to do with clothes as if it were a language she knew.

And shoes. She collected all kinds of shoes, flat brown shoes, leather brogues with proper stitching along the soles and not moulded, shoes with great long laces made of leather and some had laces not made of leather, high heeled shoes in patent leather which she would never wear, purple suede shoes and pink shoes, shoes with bars and shoes with buckles, stuffed with balls of scrunched up newspaper and shoe horns. And once she bought me dancers shoes by Anello and Davide and I loved those shoes and I had two pairs, a red pair and a black pair.

The insides of shoes would be cleaned with a damp cloth, moistened with Dettol, she believed in Dettol, just like the cross itself: after which she would put one shoe next to the other shoe, as if they were twins and place them under the bed. She must have had about forty pairs of shoes of which she only wore one or two pairs, and not one of them new, and they were pushed under her bed along with other treasures for the life she might lead or might have led. There was a large piece of sandstone, which my father had taken from an archaeological dig at Meroë in the Sudan, a rolled up print which the artist Roger Hilton had given my father. She had some manuscripts, and a box of green tiles which had been made for a coffee table designed by my father and based on a rubbing from an Egyptian tomb. The table was never made, though for a time it was there in the house, just put together roughly. I always felt it very bad luck to keep that piece of sandstone, for I feared it would act as a curse on her life and his, to remove something sacred, like when Lord Carnarvon raided the Egyptian tomb. I had read all about Lord Carnarvon in a book on archaeology given to me by my father.

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Is racial mismatch a problem for young ‘mixed race’ people in Britain? The findings of qualitative research

Posted in Articles, Identity Development/Psychology, Media Archive, Social Science, United Kingdom on 2012-02-17 20:07Z by Steven

Is racial mismatch a problem for young ‘mixed race’ people in Britain? The findings of qualitative research

Ethnicities
Volume 12, Number 6 (December 2012)
pages 730-753
DOI: 10.1177/1468796811434912

Miri Song, Professor of Sociology
University of Kent, UK

Peter Aspinall, Reader in Population Health at the Centre for Health Services Studies
University of Kent, UK

Recent evidence concerning the racial identifications of ‘mixed race’ people suggests growing latitude in how they may identify. In this article, we examine whether mixed race young people believe that their chosen identifications are validated by others, and how they respond to others’ racial perceptions of them. While existing studies tend to assume that a disjuncture between self-identification and others’ perceptions of them is problematic, this was not necessarily the case among our respondents. While a racial mismatch between expressed and observed identifications was a common experience for these individuals, they varied considerably in terms of how they responded to such occurrences, so that they could feel: (1) misrecognized (and there were differential bases and experiences of misrecognition); (2) positive about the mismatch; or (3) indifferent to how others racially categorized them in their day-to-day interactions. Some differences in responses to such mismatch emerged among disparate types of mixed people. This study also found that we need to consider national identity, and other forms of belonging, in making sense of the diverse and often multilayered identifications and experiences of mixed race young people in Britain.

Read or purchase the article here.

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Replacing History With Fiction in Arizona

Posted in Articles, History, Media Archive, Politics/Public Policy, United Kingdom on 2012-02-13 00:39Z by Steven

Replacing History With Fiction in Arizona

The Nation
2012-02-08

Gary Younge

In 1997 black America gained a new hero when Tiger Woods putted himself into history at the US Masters. Within a few weeks, it had lost him in an unlikely fashion—to a bespoke racial identity articulated on Oprah’s couch.
  
Does it bother you being termed “African-American”? Oprah asked him.

It does,” said Woods, whose father was of African-American, Chinese and Native American descent and whose mother was of Thai, Chinese and Dutch descent. At school he would tick “African-American” and “Asian.” “Growing up, I came up with this name: I’m Cablinasian [CAucasian, BLack, INdian and ASIAN]. I’m just who I am…whoever you see in front of you.” According to an editorial in the Chicago Sun-Times, Woods could not have been more praiseworthy if he’d scored a hole in one wearing a blindfold. “He justly rejects attempts to pigeonhole him in the past,” claimed the editorial. “Tiger Woods is the embodiment of our melting pot and our cultural diversity ideals and deserves to be called what he in fact is—an American.”
 
It is a peculiar fact of modern Western rhetoric, as prevalent among liberals as conservatives, that nationality is understood as a liberating identity, whereas ethnicity, race and other markers are regarded as confining. There are far more black and Asian people in the world than there are Americans. Racial identity is no less diverse than national identity. But somehow to describe Woods as black or Asian traps him in a pigeonhole, while to define him by his nationality sets him free.
 
Such was the ostensible motivation of the Arizona officials who banned Mexican-American studies from the Tucson schools. Tom Horne, the state attorney general who surfed into office on a wave of anti-immigrant bigotry, wrote the legislation, which claims the curriculum “advocates ethnic solidarity instead of the treatment of pupils as individuals.” By the end of January officials were going into schools and boxing up Paulo Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed, one of the books banned for “promoting ethnic resentment.”…

Read the entire article here.

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When the Mirror Speaks: The Poetics and Problematics of Psychic Performance for métisse Women in Bristol

Posted in Books, Chapter, Identity Development/Psychology, Media Archive, Social Science, United Kingdom, Women on 2012-02-06 02:16Z by Steven

When the Mirror Speaks: The Poetics and Problematics of Psychic Performance for métisse Women in Bristol

Jayne O. Ifekwunigwe, Visiting Associate Professor of African and African American Studies
Duke University

Chapter in: Ethnicity, Gender and Social Change
Macmillan
1999
pages 206-222
ISBN-10: 0312217633; ISBN-13: 978-0312217631

Edited by:

Rohit Barot, Harriet Bradley, and Steve Fenton

Note from Steven F. Riley. Click here to read a definition of the term métis and the reasoning of its usage and subsequent dis-usage by Dr. Ifekwunigwe.

Contents

  • Introduction
  • Setting the State
  • Is English Synonymous with Essential Whiteness?
  • Akousa: Is Being Dark-Skinned the Primary Criterion for Essential Blackness?
  • Sarah: Narratives of Space, Place, and Belongings
  • Ruby: Accepting Blackness when Praying Doesn’t Make One White
  • Similola: Dressing ‘The Part’
  • Yemi: Re-Defining ‘The Issues’
  • Bisi: Racism in Our Families or Origin or Nowhere to Hide
  • Beginnings by Way of Concluding Remarks
  • Acknowledgments

We can try to deprive ourselves of our realities but in the darkest hour of the night, when no one else is around and we have gone to the loo to spend a penny, we must look in the mirror. Eventually that moment comes when we look in the mirror and we see a Black woman…

Sharon

Sharon is a woman in her thirties who grew up in racial isolation in care in the north of England without either her White English mother or her Black Ghanaian father. In an English society which codes its citizens on the basis of their colour, Sharon must reconcile the psychic split between a genealogical sense of herself which is Ghanaian and English and a racialized self which is Black and White. As her statement reveals, the psychological struggle begins when she realizes that hi-racialized English society dictates that she embrace her Blackness and deny her Whiteness.

Her sentiments reflect the profound existential paradox facing individuals whose lineages historically situate them as grandchildren of both the colonizers and the colonized. I refer to such individuals métis(se). In England, the multiplicity of terms in circulation to describe individuals who straddle Black and White racial borders drove me in search of a new formulation. More often than not, received terminology either privileges presumed ‘racial’ differences (‘mixed race’) or obscures the complex ways in which being métis(se) involves both the negotiation of constructed ‘Black’/’White’ racial categories as well as the celebration of converging cultures, continuities of generations and overlapping historical traditions. The lack of consensus as to which term to use as well as the limitationsof this discursive privileging of ‘race’ at the expense of generational, ethnic, and cultural concerns, led me to métis(se) and métissage.

In the French African (Senegalese) context, in its conventional masculine (métis) and feminine (métisse) forms, métis(se)refers to someone who, by virtue of parentage, embodies two or more world views, for example, French mother and Black Senegalese father (Diop, 1992; Koubaka, 1993). However, it is not exclusively a ‘racial’ term used to differentiate individuals with one Black parent and one White parent from those with two Black or White parents. Métis(se) also pertains to people with parents from different ethnic/cultural groups within a country, for example in Nigeria, Ibo and Yoruba, or in Britain, Scottish and English. By extension, métissageis a mind set or a shorthand way to describe the theorizing associated with métis(se) subjectivities: oscillation, contradiction, paradox, hybridity, polyethnicities, multiple reference points, ‘belonging nowhere and everywhere’,  métissage also signals the process of opening up hybrid spaces and looking at the sociocultural dynamics of ‘race’, gender, ethnicity, nation, class, sexuality, and generation and their relationship to the mechanics of power.

Sharon is one of twenty five métis(se) individuals who were participants in my two-year-long ethnographic study based in Bristol, England. Their individual and collective voices represent the significant part of a greater multigenerational whole comprising people in England with Black continental African or African Caribbean fathers and White British or European mothers. By virtue of the aforementioned contradictory bi-racialized classification in Britain, métis(se) individuals’ narratives of self and identity both reflect the gender, generational, racial and ethnic tensions of English society and are located outside it in an imagined but not imaginary ‘grey’ space. That is, the ways in which the women and men I worked with tell their stories are as newfangled griot(te)s. They simultaneously construct dual narratives, which embody lived stories. At the same time, their memories preserve and reinterpret senses of past interwoven cultures. In his essay, The Choices of Identity,’ Denis-Consant Martin talks about identity as narrative (1995,
pp. 7-8):

The narrative borrows from history as well as from fiction and treats the person as a character in a plot. The person as a character is not separable from its life experiences, but the plot allows for the re-organization of the events which provide the ground for the experiences of the person/character… Narrative identity, being at the same time fictitious and real, leaves room for variations on the past—a plot can always be revised—and also for initiatives in the future.

These métis(se) narratives of identity provide scathing sociopolitical commentaries and cultural critiques of contemporary English African Diasporic life and its manifest bi-racialized problematics.

However, the specific focus of this chapter is the differcnts ways in which cultural memories shape contradictory meanings of ‘race’, self and identity for six women who by virtue of birth transgress boundaries and challenge essentialized constructions of self, identity, place and belonging. Their specific lived realities epitomize psychosocial struggles to make sense of explicit epistcmological tensions between subjectivity and alterity. In particular, drawing on their testimonies, I will address the ways in which six métissewomen confront problematic tensions between being métisse and becoming Black. English and Ghanaian philosopher Anthony Appiah (1992, p. 178) formulates an ethos of identities politics which reflects this complexity:

identities arc complex and muliiple and grow out of a history of changing responses to economic, political, and cultural forces, almost always in opposition to other identities… that they flourish despite what I earlier called our ‘misrecognition’ of their origins; despite that is, their roots in myths and lies… there is, in consequence, no large place for reason in the construction—as opposed to the study and management of identities.

The principal narrators are: Similola who has a White German mother and a Black Tanzanian father and Ruby, whose mother is middle class White English and her father middle class Black Nigerian, both of whom were brought up in children’s homes; Yemi and Bisi, who are sisters, grew up in a middle class family in Ibadan, Nigeria with both their White Northumberland English mother and their Black Yoruba-Nigerian father; and another set of sisters, Akousa and Sarah who came of age in a working class, predominantly Black African Caribbean community in Liverpool, with their orphaned White Irish mother and without their Black Bajan (from Barbados) father. Each woman’s mother is at once White and Irish, English or German. Their fathers are both Black and either Bajan, Nigerian or Tanzanian.

Accordingly, as their stories reveal, most of their identities work concerns the management and negotiation of polycthnicity in social and cultural contexts which frequently demand that they choose an essentialized Black identity. This is despite the fact that by virtue of lineage, they can and do situate themselves within at least two specific and yet over-lapping historical narratives…

Read the entire chapter here.

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Answer Formats in British Census and Survey Ethnicity Questions: Does Open Response Better Capture ‘Superdiversity’?

Posted in Articles, Census/Demographics, Media Archive, Social Science, United Kingdom on 2012-02-03 02:42Z by Steven

Answer Formats in British Census and Survey Ethnicity Questions: Does Open Response Better Capture ‘Superdiversity’?

Sociology
Volume 46, Number 2 (April 2012)
pages 354-364
DOI: 10.1177/0038038511419195

Peter J. Aspinall, Reader in Population Health at the Centre for Health Services Studies
University of Kent, UK

During a period of unprecedented ethnicity data collection in Britain, an almost universal characteristic of this practice has been the mandated use of the decennial census ethnicity classifications. In Canada and the USA a greater plurality of methods has included open response, now recommended for the 2020 US Census. As the ethnic diversity of Britain has increased, driven by immigration dynamics and population mixing leading to ‘superdiversity’, the census is no longer able to capture the new populations. The validity and utility of unprompted open response is examined in several ‘mixed race’ datasets. It is argued that open response can be a modus operandi for large-scale ethnicity data collection and that the lack of consistency in recording of such responses need not necessarily be viewed as a drawback. Open response offers substantial insights into the country’s superdiversity in a way that ethnicity categorization alone cannot.

Read or purchase the article here.

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The Interracial Family in Children’s Literature

Posted in Articles, Family/Parenting, Literary/Artistic Criticism, Media Archive, United Kingdom on 2012-01-29 20:40Z by Steven

The Interracial Family in Children’s Literature

The Reading Teacher
Volume 31, Number 8 (May, 1978)
pages 909-915

Margo Alexandre Long

Books about interracial families have just recently begun to reflect America’s pluralistic society.

A Discussion of the interracial family (a family unit in which members are of various racial backgrounds) in American children’s literature must begin with a brief historical account of the interracial family in the United States. Lystad states (1977, p. 238):

Children’s books reflect the attitudes and values of a people, as older generations go about educating younger ones to the ideals and standards they feel are most important… Changes in book content over the decades… reflect changes in people’s feelings about what is significant in their world and what is to be prized in human relationships and achievement.

In any given society, then, children’s books generally reflect the values and attitudes of those who dominate that society.

Race mixture has occured extensively throughout history. Yet many sociologists and anthropologists have stated that intermarriage is one of the strongest fears of many Americans, and indeed a great motivator for maintaining segregation. Myrdal (1944), for example, used a sociological survey to demonstrate White Americans’ fear of intermarriage as far back as 1944. Zabel (1965) suggested this trend in his review of the legal literature which prohibited interracial marriage, and Henriques (1975) substantiated this from a historical perspective. Most recently. Stember (1976) cited novelists, pollsters, psychoanalysts. Black leaders, and segregationists in postulating that “presumed sexual consequences are the biggest threat to integration.”

The U.S. has a tradition of miscegenation legislation specifically aimed at prohibiting marriage between Black and White. The first was…

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Mixed-race Rose contestant snubs racist websites

Posted in Articles, Europe, Identity Development/Psychology, Media Archive, United Kingdom, Women on 2012-01-24 19:56Z by Steven

Mixed-race Rose contestant snubs racist websites

Sunday Tribune, Dublin, Ireland
2008-08-03

Ken Sweeney

A mixed-race contestant who is competing in this year’s Rose of Tralee says she has no fears about travelling to Ireland to take part in the contest despite a series of racist remarks made against her on a website.

London Rose Belinda Brown (25) has been targeted by users of race hate website Stormfront.org since being selected in Cricklewood last month.

Born in Jamaica but raised in Ahoghill, Co Antrim, Irish-based racists have questioned Brown’s right to compete in the beauty pageant because of her mixed-race parentage.

“This mixed female is indeed no Rose of Tralee,” posted one member, War Maiden, on the site. “Last time I checked our women were pale-skinned maidens from our Emerald Isle, not some mud from London.”

Another, with the name White Patriot, wrote: “The London entrant for this year’s Rose of Tralee is a half caste mongrel. What the hell are the organisers thinking of? Whites who mix with blacks shouldn’t be surprised when they get treated like animals themselves. They are traitors to their race, culture and family. We have no sympathy for them.”

However in an interview with the Sunday Tribune, Belinda Brown said she was proud of her mixed-race ancestry and said she had no fears about travelling to Tralee for the contest which takes place in Kerry from 22-26 August…

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Study provides first genetic evidence of long-lived African presence within Britain

Posted in Africa, Anthropology, Articles, History, Media Archive, United Kingdom on 2012-01-24 00:25Z by Steven

Study provides first genetic evidence of long-lived African presence within Britain

University of Leicester
Press Release
2007-01-24

Research reveals African origins in the UK and US

New research has identified the first genetic evidence of Africans having lived amongst “indigenous” British people for centuries. Their descendants, living across the UK today, were unaware of their black ancestry.

The University of Leicester study, funded by the Wellcome Trust and published today in the journal European Journal of Human Genetics, found that one third of men with a rare Yorkshire surname carry a rare Y chromosome type previously found only amongst people of West African origin.

The researchers, led by Professor Mark Jobling, of the Department of Genetics at the University of Leicester, first spotted the rare Y chromosome type, known as hgA1, in one individual, Mr. X. This happened whilst PhD student Ms. Turi King was sampling a larger group in a study to explore the association between surnames and the Y chromosome, both inherited from father to son. Mr. X, a white Caucasian living in Leicester, was unaware of having any African ancestors.

“As you can imagine, we were pretty amazed to find this result in someone unaware of having any African roots,” explains Professor Jobling, a Wellcome Trust Senior Research Fellow. “The Y chromosome is passed down from father to son, so this suggested that Mr. X must have had African ancestry somewhere down the line. Our study suggests that this must have happened some time ago.

Although most of Britain’s one million people who define themselves as “Black or Black British” owe their origins to immigration from the Caribbean and Africa from the mid-twentieth century onwards, in reality, there has been a long history of contact with Africa. Africans were first recorded in the north 1800 years ago, as Roman soldiers defending Hadrian’s Wall

…“This study shows that what it means to be British is complicated and always has been,” says Professor Jobling. “Human migration history is clearly very complex, particularly for an island nation such as ours, and this study further debunks the idea that there are simple and distinct populations or ‘races’.”

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