Mixed Race Studies

Why Latinos won’t become white

Al Jazeera America
2014-10-22

Gabriel Arana

Assuming Latinos will join the white majority ignores the stark divisions in a racially diverse group

In the lead-up to the midterms, President Barack Obama has been parroting the conventional wisdom about the GOP’s future: Republicans are doomed if they keep up their opposition to immigration reform and continue the inflammatory anti-immigrant rhetoric. “It’s anybody’s guess how Republicans are thinking about this,” he said during a town hall event in Santa Monica, California. “If they were thinking long term politically, it is suicide for them not to do this.”

Latinos make up 14 percent of the population, and their share is projected to grow to 29 percent by 2050. This demographic traditionally identifies with the Democratic Party; the toxic immigration debate in Washington, fueled by xenophobes in the GOP, will only increase that tendency. In 2006, 49 percent of Latino eligible voters identified as or leaned Democratic. By 2011, that number jumped to 67 percent. With the United States projected to become a majority-minority country by 2043, Republicans’ chances of winning the White House on the backs of white voters will grow ever slimmer.

But a counternarrative, one that would put Latino votes back in contention for the GOP, has begun to emerge. In the coming decades, Latinos could become “white” — a process in which cultural assimilation would presumably be followed by political realignment — opening them up to affiliation with the Republican Party. It’s a theory espoused most prominently by Slate political writer Jamelle Bouie, who argues in the winter issue of Democracy that “the future won’t be majority-minority; it will be a white majority, where Spanish last names are common.” But this vision of complete assimilation ignores the stark racial divisions in Latin American societies, in which socioeconomic status and skin color, as in the U.S., tend to fall along parallel lines.

Ethnic attrition

The idea of Latinos becoming white in the American sense — a vision of racial and cultural assimilation independent of self-identified race — isn’t a new one. Economists Brian Duncan at the University of Colorado and Stephen Trejo at the University of Texas at Austin call it ethnic attrition. As Latinos intermarry and climb the socioeconomic ladder, the theory goes, they are less likely to self-identify as Hispanic. Duncan and Trejo’s research shows (PDF) that while virtually all first- and second-generation Hispanic immigrants identify as Hispanic, in the third generation, those of mixed heritage start to self-select out of this group. Among third-generation immigrants with only two Hispanic grandparents, 79 percent identify as Hispanic. Among those with only one Hispanic grandparent, the number falls to 58 percent. Think of Republican Sen. Ted Cruz, whose father is Cuban and whose mother is white, or comedian Louis C.K., whose grandmother is Mexican and whose other grandparents are Irish and Hungarian…

Read the entire article here.

Market-style reforms widen racial divide in Cuba

Reuters
2014-09-02

(Reuters) – Cuba’s experiment with free-market reforms has unintentionally widened the communist-led island’s racial divide and allowed white Cubans to regain some of the economic advantages built up over centuries.

Under President Raúl Castro, who took over from his brother Fidel Castro in 2008, Cuba has expanded its non-state workforce, loosened travel restrictions and promoted private cooperatives and small businesses.

As the communist government relinquishes its once near-total control of the economy, inequality has widened, undoing some of the progress seen since the 1959 revolution.

Much of the funding for new businesses such as restaurants, transportation services and bed-and-breakfast inns – targeted at tourists, diplomats and dollar-earners – comes from family members who emigrated to the United States over the last 50 years, especially Miami.

They sent almost $3 billion to relatives back in Cuba last year and, as they are mainly white, their investments put black and mixed-race Cubans at a disadvantage as they try to set up their own businesses…

…Before Castro’s revolution, education was largely off limits to blacks and mestizos and they were shut out of universities and jobs that involved interacting with customers. Whites had their own social clubs, beaches and private parties.

As soon as he assumed power, Castro eliminated segregation and attempted to abolish inequality by giving all Cubans access to free education and health care. The government hails those as among the revolution’s greatest accomplishments.

Today Cuba is largely a mixed-race society, though one in which lighter skinned Cubans still enjoy advantages in all but sports and entertainment.

Many Cubans are of ambiguous racial heritage, and a panoply of names exist to people of various hues. The terms are more descriptive and not considered offensive.

Some Afro-Cubans say they have not experienced racism under the revolution, advancing in education and careers without impediment.

Echevarria, the sandwich shop co-owner, said he was content with his humble business and not too bothered by inequality. “Racism exists. Not like before, but it exists.”

But other black and mixed-race Cubans say they feel racism, and experts say whites still have better access to good jobs and higher education…

Read the entire article here.

Race and Racisms: A Critical Approach

Oxford University Press
2014-08-01
528 pages
7-1/2 x 9-1/4 inches
Paperback ISBN: 9780199920013

Tanya Maria Golash-Boza, Associate Professor of Sociology
University of California, Merced

Race and Racisms: A Critical Approach engages students in critical questions related to racial dynamics in the U.S. and around the world. Written in accessible, straightforward language, the book discusses and critically analyzes cutting-edge scholarship in the field. Organized into topics and concepts rather than discrete racial groups, the text addresses:

• How and when the idea of race was created and developed
• How structural racism has worked historically to reproduce inequality
• How we have a society rampant with racial inequality, even though most people do not consider themselves to be racist
• How race, class, and gender work together to create inequality and identities
• How immigration policy in the United States has been racialized
• How racial justice could be imagined and realized

Centrally focused on racial dynamics, Race and Racisms also incorporates an intersectional perspective, discussing the intersections of racism, patriarchy, and capitalism.

Table of Contents

• List of Excerpts
• Letter from the Author
• About the Author
• Preface
• Part I: The History of the Idea of Race
  • 1. The Origin of the Idea of Race
    • Defining Race and Racism
    • Race: The Evolution of an Ideology
    • Historical Precedents to the Idea of Race
    • Slavery Before the Idea of Race
    • European Encounters with Indigenous Peoples of the Americas
    • Voices: The Spanish Treatment of Indigenous Peoples
    • The Enslavement of Africans
    • The Need for Labor in the Thirteen Colonies
    • The Legal Codification of Racial Differences
    • Voices: From Bullwhip Days
    • The Rise of Science and the Question of Human Difference
    • European Taxonomies
    • Scientific Racism in the Nineteenth Century
    • The Indian Removal Act: The Continuation of Manifest Destiny
    • Freedom and Slavery in the United States
    • Global View: The Idea of Race in Latin America
  • 2. Race and Citizenship from the 1840s to the 1920s
    • The Continuation of Scientific Racism
    • Measuring Race: From Taxonomy to Measurement
    • Intelligence Testing
    • Eugenics
    • Voices: Carrie Buck
    • Exclusionary Immigration Policies
    • The Chinese Exclusion Act
    • The Johnson-Reed Act of 1924
    • Birthright Citizenship for Whites Only
    • Naturalization for “Free White People”
    • How the Irish, Italians, and Jews Became White
    • The Irish: From Celts to Whites
    • The Italians: From Mediterraneans to Caucasians
    • The Jews: From Hebrews to White
    • African Americans and Native Americans: The Long, Troubled Road to Citizenship
    • African Americans and the Long Road to Freedom
    • Native Americans: Appropriating Lands, Assimilating Tribes
• Part II: Racial Ideologies
  • 3. Racial Ideologies from the 1920s to the Present
    • Voices: Trayvon Martin
    • The 1920s to 1965: Egregious Acts in the Era of Overt Racism
    • Mass Deportation of Mexicans and Mexican Americans
    • Internment of Japanese and Japanese Americans
    • Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment
    • Voices: Fred Toyosaburo Korematsu
    • The Civil Rights Movement and the Commitment to Change
    • Rosa Parks and the Montgomery Bus Boycott
    • Sit-Ins
    • Freedom Rides
    • Old Versus New Racism: The Evolution of an Ideology
    • Biological Racism
    • Cultural Racism
    • Color-Blind Universalism
    • Global View: Cultural Racism in Peru
    • The Maintenance of Racial Hierarchy: Color-Blind Racism
    • Four Frames of Color-Blind Racism
    • Rhetorical Strategies of Color-Blind Racism
    • The New Politics of Race: Racism in the Age of Obama
  • 4. The Spread of Ideology: “Controlling Images” and Racism in the Media
    • Portrayals of People of Color on Television and in Other Media
    • Portrayals of Blacks
    • Portrayals of Latino/as
    • Research Focus: The Hot Latina Stereotype in Desperate Housewives
    • Portrayals of Arabs and Arab Americans
    • Portrayals of Asians and Asian Americans
    • Portrayals of Native Americans
    • Racial Stereotypes in Films
    • Global View: Racial Stereotypes in Peruvian Television
    • New Media Representations
    • Video Games
    • Social Media
    • Voices: I Am Not Trayvon Martin
    • Media Images and Racial Inequality
    • Raced, Classed, and Gendered Media Images
  • 5. Colorism and Skin-Color Stratification
    • The History of Colorism
    • Research Focus: Latino Immigrants and the U.S. Racial Order
    • The Origins of Colorism in the Americas
    • Does Colorism Predate Colonialism? The Origins of Colorism in Asia and Africa
    • The Global Color Hierarchy
    • Asia and Asian Americans
    • Latin America and Latinos/as
    • Voices: The Fair-Skin Battle
    • Africa and the African Diaspora
    • Voices: Colorism and Creole Identity
    • Skin Color, Gender, and Beauty
  • 6. White Privilege and the Changing U.S. Racial Hierarchy
    • White Privilege
    • Research Focus: White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack
    • Whiteness, Class, Gender, and Sexuality
    • Whiteness and Racial Categories in Twenty-First-Century America
    • Latino/as and the Multiracial Hierarchy
    • The Other Whites: Arab Americans, North Africans, Middle Easterners, and Their Place in the U.S. Racial Hierarchy
    • Multiracial Identification and the U.S. Racial Hierarchy
    • Voices: Brandon Stanford: “My Complexion Is Not Black but I Am Black”
    • Will the United States Continue to Be a White-Majority Society?
    • Global View: Social, Cultural, and Intergenerational Whitening in Latin America
    • Changes in Racial and Ethnic Classifications
    • Revisiting the Definitions of Race and Ethnicity
• Part III: Policy & Institutions
  • 7. Understanding Racial Inequality Today: Socio logical Theories of Racism
    • Racial Discrimination, Prejudice, and Institutional Racism
    • Individual Racism
    • Voices: Microaggressions
    • Institutional Racism
    • Global View: Microaggressions in Peru
    • Systemic and Structural Racism
    • Systemic Racism
    • Structural Racism
    • Research Focus: Systemic Racism and Hurricane Katrina
    • Racial Formation: Its Contributions and Its Critics
    • White Supremacy and Settler Colonialism
    • Research Focus: Applying Settler Colonialism Theory
    • Intersectional Theories of Race and Racism
  • 8. Educational Inequality
    • The History of Educational Inequality
    • Indian Schools
    • Segregation and Landmark Court Cases
    • The Persistence of Racial Segregation in the Educational System
    • Affirmative Action in Higher Education
    • Educational Inequality Today
    • Research Focus: American Indian/Alaska Native College Student Retention
    • The Achievement Gap: Sociological Explanations for Persistent Inequality
    • Global View: Affirmative Action in Brazil
    • Parental Socioeconomic Status
    • Cultural Explanations: “Acting White” and Other Theories
    • Tracking
    • Social and Cultural Capital and Schooling
    • Hidden Curricula
    • Voices: Moesha
    • Research Focus: Rosa Parks Elementary and the Hidden Curriculum
  • 9. Income and Labor Market Inequality
    • Income Inequality by Race, Ethnicity, and Gender
    • Dimensions of Racial Disparities in the Labor Market
    • Disparities Among Women
    • Disparities Among Latinos and Asian Americans
    • Underemployment, Unemployment, and Joblessness
    • Voices: Jarred
    • Sociological Explanations for Income and Labor Market Inequality
    • Voices: Francisco Pinto’s Experiences in 3-D Jobs
    • Individual-Level Explanations
    • Structural Explanations
    • Research Focus: Discrimination in a Low-Wage Labor Market
    • Affirmative Action
    • Entrepreneurship and Self-Employment 260
    • Global View: Racial Discrimination in Australia
  • 10. Inequality in Housing and Wealth
    • Land Ownership After Slavery
    • Residential Segregation
    • The Creation of Residential Segregation
    • Discriminatory and Predatory Lending Practices
    • Research Focus: The Role of Real Estate in Creating Segregated Cities
    • Neighborhood Segregation Today
    • Voices: A Tale of Two Families
    • Wealth Inequality
    • Inequality in Homeownership and Home Values
    • Wealth Inequality Beyond Homeownership
    • Explaining the Wealth Gap in the Twenty-First Century
  • 11. Racism and the Criminal Justice System
    • Mass Incarceration in the United States
    • The Rise of Mass Incarceration
    • Mass Incarceration in a Global Context
    • Race and Mass Incarceration
    • Global View: Prisons in Germany and the Netherlands
    • The Inefficacy of Mass Incarceration
    • Voices: Kemba Smith
    • Mass Incarceration and the War on Drugs
    • Race, Class, Gender, and Mass Incarceration
    • Institutional Racism in the Criminal Justice System
    • Racial Profiling
    • Sentencing Disparities
    • The Ultimate Sentence: Racial Disparities in the Death Penalty
    • Voices: Troy Davis
    • The Economics of Mass Incarceration
    • Private Prisons
    • The Prison-Industrial Complex
    • Beyond Incarceration: Collateral Consequences
    • The Impact of Mass Incarceration on Families and Children
    • The Lifelong Stigma of a Felony: “The New Jim Crow”
    • Research Focus: Can Felons Get Jobs?
  • 12. Health Inequalities, Environmental Racism, and Environmental Justice
    • The History of Health Disparities in the United States
    • Involuntary Experimentation on African Americans
    • Free Blacks as Mentally and Physically Unfit
    • Explaining Health Disparities by Race and Ethnicity Today
    • Socioeconomic Status and Health Disparities by Race/Ethnicity
    • Segregation and Health
    • Research Focus: Health and Social Inequity in Alameda County, California
    • The Effects of Individual Racism on the Health of African Americans
    • Life-Course Perspectives on African American Health
    • Culture and Health
    • Global View: Health and Structural Violence in Guatemala
    • Genetics, Race, and Health
    • Voices: Race, Poverty, and Postpartum Depression
    • Environmental Racism
    • Movements for Environmental Justice
    • Voices: The Holt Family of Dickson, Tennessee
  • 13. Racism, Nativism, and Immigration Policy
    • Voices: Robert Bautista-Denied Due Process
    • The Racialized History of U.S. Immigration Policy
    • Race and the Making of U.S. Immigration Policies: 1790 to 1924
    • Global View: Whitening and Immigration Policy in Brazil
    • Nativism Between 1924 and 1964: Mass Deportation of Mexicans and the McCarran Internal Security Act
    • The 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act and the Changing Face of Immigration
    • Illegal Immigration and Policy Response
    • The Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 (IRCA ) and Nativism
    • Proposition 187 and the Lead-Up to the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 (II RIRA)
    • The 1996 Laws and the Detention and Deportation of Black and Latino Immigrants
    • Voices: Hector, a Guatemalan Deportee
    • Nativism in the Twenty-First Century
• Part IV: Contesting & Comparing Racial Injustices
  • 14. Racial Justice in the United States Today
    • Perspectives on Racial Justice
    • Recognition, Responsibility, Reconstruction, and Reparations
    • Civil Rights
    • Human Rights
    • Moving Beyond Race
    • Intersectional Analyses: Race, Class, Gender
    • Racism and Capitalism
    • Struggles for Racial Justice
    • Racial Justice and the Foreclosure Crisis
    • DREAMers and the Fight for Justice
    • Voices: Fighting Against Foreclosures: A Racial Justice Story
    • Racial Justice and Empathy
  • 15. Thinking Globally: Race and Racisms in France, South Africa, and Brazil
    • How Do Other Countries Differ from the United States in Racial Dynamics?
    • Race and Racism in France
    • French Colonies in Africa
    • The French Antilles
    • African Immigration to France
    • Discrimination and Racial and Ethnic Inequality in France Today
    • Voices: The Fall 2005 Uprisings in the French Banlieues
    • Race and Racism in South Africa
    • Colonialism in South Africa: The British and the Dutch
    • The Apartheid Era (1948-1994)
    • The Persistence of Inequality in the Post-Apartheid Era
    • Research Focus: The Politics of White Youth Identity in South Africa
    • Race and Racism in Brazil
    • Portuguese Colonization and the Slave Trade in Brazil
    • Whitening Through Immigration and Intermarriage
    • The Racial Democracy Myth in Brazil and Affirmative Action
    • Racial Categories in Brazil Today
    • Research Focus: Racial Ideology and Black-White Interracial Marriages in Rio de Janeiro
• Glossary
• References
• Credits
• Index

Is Race Plastic? My Trip Into the ‘Ethnic Plastic Surgery’ Minefield

New York Magazine
2014-07-27

Maureen O’Connor

“You’ve got some nice Caucasian features,” Dr. Edmund Kwan says, inspecting my face at his Upper East Side plastic-surgery practice, where the waiting room includes an ottoman larger than my kitchen table. “You’re half-Asian mixed with what?” Chinese mom and white dad, I reply. “You inherited a Caucasian nose. Your nose is nice. Your eyes have a little bit of Asian mixed in.” He proposes Asian blepharo­plasty, a surgical procedure to create or enlarge the palpebral fold, the eyelid crease a few millimeters above the lashline that many Asians lack. “You’ve got nice big eyes,” he admits, but eyelids more like my father’s would make them look bigger.

To some, Kwan’s assessment may seem offensive—an attempt to remove my mother’s race from my face as though it were a pimple. But to others, it will seem as banal as a dietitian advising them to eat more leafy greens—advice having nothing to do with hiding one’s race or mimicking another. Asian blepharo­plasty belongs to a range of niche cosmetic procedures known colloquially as ethnic plastic surgery, the popularity of which has spiked in recent years—and is prone to heated arguments, major misunderstandings, alternating whiplashes of sympathy and disgust, and some intensely uncomfortable reckonings. (Including, perhaps, the ones in this article.) The issues at stake are loaded: ethnic identity, standards of beauty, the politics of diversity, what constitutes race, and whether exercises of vanity can reshape it.

From 2005 to 2013, the American Society of Plastic Surgeons estimates that the number of cosmetic procedures performed on Asian-Americans increased by 125 percent, Hispanics by 85 percent, and African-Americans by 56 percent. (Procedures on Caucasians increased just 35 percent.) This is, in part, simply a mark of rising purchasing power: Plastic surgery is nothing if not a sign that one has money to burn and status anxiety to spare.

And doctors comfortable advertising their expertise in ethnic plastic surgery are growing wealthy creasing Asian eyelids, pushing sloped foreheads forward, and pulling prominent mouths back. These are procedures outsiders generally view as deracinating processes, sharpening the stereotypically flat noses of Asians, blacks, and Latinos while flattening the stereotypically sharp noses of Arabs and Jews. Some are refinements of formerly rare procedures like the ones that deformed a generation of Jackson-family noses, while others arrived Stateside from the bone-breaking, muscle-shrinking, multi-procedure extremes of Korean and Japanese plastic surgery. And, in fact, many procedures under the “ethnic” umbrella have no Caucasian model at all, as the Asian women asking surgeons to reduce their cheekbones can attest.

And yet this new wave of such plastic surgeries has produced something of a principled outcry from people of all races and ethnicities. “Did I give in to the Man?” The Talk host and broadcast-news veteran Julie Chen asked last year, displaying photos from before and after the double-eyelid surgery she got after weathering workplace racism in the ’90s. So many people replied “yes” that Chen took time to defend her choice the following week. Reports about Asians overseas getting surgery to resemble “pretty Western celebrities” have a tendency to go viral in Western outlets ranging from The Daily Mail to BuzzFeed to “This American Life.”…

Read the entire article here.

The Perceptions of Race That Hinge on Stress

The Atlantic
2014-06-09

Olga Khazan, Associate Editor

A new study found that when resources were scarce, white people had different definitions of “black” and were less generous toward people with darker skin tones than toward people with lighter skin.

The Labor Department said on Friday that employers hired 217,000 workers last month, bringing the job market back to 2008 levels.

It took more than four years to get back to this point after the recession wiped out more than 8.7 million jobs in just two years. And most economists think we’re not out of the woods yet: As my colleague Derek Thompson points out, the labor force participation rate is still at a multi-decade low.

But according to a new study, jobs and wealth weren’t the only things we lost in the recession. All of those economic woes might have also influenced how people perceive other races and have made people less generous toward those who look different from them.

For a study published today in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, David Amodio, a psychology professor at New York University and Amy Krosch, a graduate student, performed a series of experiments that showed that their predominantly white study subjects tended to view biracial people as “more black” when they were primed with economic scarcity, and that the subjects were stingier toward darker-complexioned people overall…

Read the entire article here.

Economic scarcity alters the perception of race

Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America
Published online before print on 2014-06-09
DOI: 10.1073/pnas.1404448111

Amy R. Krosch
New York University

David M. Amodio, Associate Professor of Psychology and Neural Science
New York University

Significance

Racial disparities on socioeconomic indices expand dramatically during economic recession. Although prior explanations for this phenomenon have focused on institutional causes, our research reveals that perceived scarcity influences people’s visual representations of race in a way that may promote discrimination. Across four studies, scarce conditions led perceivers to view Black people as “darker” and “more stereotypically Black” in appearance, relative to control conditions, and this shift in perception under scarcity was sufficient to elicit reduced resource allocations to African American recipients. These findings introduce a “motivated perception” account for the proliferation of racial and ethnic discrimination during times of economic duress.

Abstract

When the economy declines, racial minorities are hit the hardest. Although existing explanations for this effect focus on institutional causes, recent psychological findings suggest that scarcity may also alter perceptions of race in ways that exacerbate discrimination. We tested the hypothesis that economic resource scarcity causes decision makers to perceive African Americans as “Blacker” and that this visual distortion elicits disparities in the allocation of resources. Studies 1 and 2 demonstrated that scarcity altered perceptions of race, lowering subjects’ psychophysical threshold for seeing a mixed-race face as “Black” as opposed to “White.” In studies 3 and 4, scarcity led subjects to visualize African American faces as darker and more “stereotypically Black,” compared with a control condition. When presented to naïve subjects, face representations produced under scarcity elicited smaller allocations than control-condition representations. Together, these findings introduce a novel perceptual account for the proliferation of racial disparities under economic scarcity.

Read or purchase the article here.

After Tiananmen Square, New Lives On A New Continent

Tell Me More
National Public Radio
2014-06-04

Michel Martin, Host

After the democracy protests were crushed in 1989, many thought China would turn inward. Instead, a million Chinese citizens moved to Africa. Howard French discusses his book China’s Second Continent.

MICHEL MARTIN, HOST:

I’m Michel Martin, and this is TELL ME MORE from NPR News. We’re going to start the program today by taking note of a difficult moment in history. Twenty-five years ago today, the Chinese army attacked demonstrators who had been occupying Tiananmen Square, protesting for more democracy and freedom. The crackdown brought international condemnation. Some observers believed it would lead the communist country to become increasingly inward-looking and isolated. It turned out that did not happen. Today, China stands as a major global power, and one part of the world in which it clearly rivals the U.S. as an influence on politics and the economy is Africa. Thousands of Chinese companies have established themselves in Africa over the last two decades. China-Africa trade has surged from $10 billion in 2000 to $200 billion last year, far surpassing the U.S. and any European country. China’s top leaders make multiple trips to the continent every year. But, as author Howard French tells us in his new book, just as important as those high-level visits are the people who are rarely discussed. And they are the million or so Chinese expatriates who aren’t just passing through, but are staying and moving into all walks of life. That’s who the former New York Times bureau chief spent time with as he prepared his latest book, “China’s Second Continent: How A Million Migrants Are Building A New Empire In Africa.” And Howard French is with us now. Welcome back to the program. Thanks so much for joining us.

HOWARD FRENCH: It’s great to be with you again…

…MARTIN: If you’re just joining us, I’m speaking with Howard French. We’re talking about his new book, “China’s Second Continent: How A Million Migrants Are Building A New Empire In Africa.” The former New York Times bureau chief conducted interviews in Mandarin, French and Portuguese, among other languages, to, kind of, get to the ground level of how China is influencing the continent. One of the characters that struck a chord with me was Hao Shengli, whom you met in Mozambique. Tell us a little bit about his story, if you would. I was struck by the fact that he wanted his sons to marry local women, but I didn’t get the sense that this was a love-match he was seeking, here.

FRENCH: Hao was interesting because, unlike most of the people I profile, he was not a working-class person. He had started up several businesses in China that had done reasonably well. He had some savings. He set off to the Middle East – tried to do business there. He failed. He comes back to China. And he goes to a trade fair and meets some people in Guangzhou who tell him that there’s all kinds of opportunity in Africa. And so he then begins to fixate on Africa. And he ends up in Mozambique on the theory that, as a Portuguese speaking country, they’ll be very few Chinese people there. He spoke no Portuguese, but he figured, at least, he wouldn’t have any cutthroat Chinese competitors. And so he goes to Mozambique. He doesn’t do well in the capital. He discovers, to his disgust, that there are a lot of Chinese people there, in fact. And so he sets off for the countryside. And he ends up finagling his way into buying a very nice piece of irrigated, very rich farmland. And he gets into these relationships with the local people. And their relationship becomes ever more testy, and so he’s worrying. Even though he’s got a long-term lease, he’s wondering if the villagers won’t find a way to contest it, or the local government will take it back from him. And he settles upon a scheme, which absolutely astounded me, of bringing his teenage sons from China to settle there with him – and to have children by local women, in whose names he could place the property and control it indirectly through these people, who, as Mozambican citizens, would legally have the right to own land forever. And so that’s the scene that I stumble upon in this rural place.

MARTIN: It was interesting to me how much racism you personally encountered over the course of your travels. I mean, just the kind of day-to-day, casual reminders of distance that is certainly not polite in this country anymore. I’m thinking about when you went to this hotel in Liberia. And then you went to this room to drop off your things and wash up, and there was no towel there. And then when you told your host this, he summoned a young Chinese man who worked for him and told him to fetch me one. He says, we don’t usually give them out because most Chinese bring their own. They wouldn’t want to use one that a black person might have used. I mean, put this in some context for me. I mean, do you think that this is, kind of, growing pains, and that at some point will people have moved beyond that? What’s your sense?

FRENCH: Everywhere I went, the local Chinese person referred to the people, in whose midst they had come to settle, as black people. You know, they would say, the blacks, the blacks, the blacks, the blacks. They wouldn’t say the Ghanaians, or the Tanzanians, or the Zambians, or the this or the that. It was just, the blacks. And this refusal, or reluctance, to allow any kind of finer identity – to render them totally anonymous as just simply black, as if that was the only pertinent detail about them, was very telling for me. That whether or not this is a passing phase, I can’t really say. But for the time being, the Africans are just, essentially, serving as a backdrop for Chinese processes – somebody that will be useful for them – or a place that will be useful for them for the time being along the way, as they proceed up the ladder of hierarchies, if you will, of civilizations of nations…

Listen to the interview here. Download the interview here.

China in Africa

The Leonard Lopate Show
WNYC 93.9 FM New York
2014-06-04

Leonard Lopate, Host

China’s presence in Africa has been growing and it is shaping, and reshaping, the future of millions of people. Howard French, prizewinning foreign correspondent and former New York Times bureau chief in Shanghai and in West and Central Africa, talks about China’s economic, political, and human presence across the African continent. In China’s Second Continent, French crafts a layered investigation, looking at policy-shaping moguls and diplomats and the ordinary men and women navigating the street-level realities of cooperation, prejudice, corruption, and opportunity in Africa.

Listen to the interview here. Download the interview here.

Skin Tone Stratification among Black Americans, 2001–2003

Social Forces
Volume 92, Number 4, June 2014
pages 1313-1337

Ellis P. Monk Jr., Provost’s Postdoctoral Scholar in Sociology
University of Chicago

In the past few decades, a dedicated collection of scholars have examined the matter of skin tone stratification within the black American population and found that complexion has significant net effects on a variety of stratification outcomes. These analyses relied heavily on data collected between 1950 and 1980. In particular, many scholars have utilized the National Survey of Black Americans (1979–1980). This leaves the question of whether or not the effect of skin tone on stratification outcomes remains decades later. Newly available data from the National Survey of American Life (2001–2003) are used to examine this question. I find that skin tone is significantly associated with black Americans’ educational attainment, household income, occupational status, and even the skin tone and educational attainment of their spouses. Consequently, this study demonstrates that skin tone stratification among black Americans persists into the 21st century. I conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for the study of ethnoracial inequality in the United States and beyond.

China Turns To Africa For Resources, Jobs And Future Customers

Fresh Air, WHYY-FM Philadelphia
National Public Radio
2014-05-27

Terry Gross, Host

Dave Davies, Senior Reporter

China’s economic engagement in Africa can be measured in dollars — for instance, the $71 million airport expansion contract in Mali, funded by American foreign aid, that went to a Chinese construction firm.

More remarkably, it can be measured in people: More than a million Chinese citizens have permanently moved to Africa, buying land, starting businesses and settling among local populations.

Journalist Howard French, who spent years reporting on Africa and China for The New York Times and The Washington Post, has a new book that looks at these trends. In China’s Second Continent, French draws on interviews with Chinese and African businesspeople, government officials and ordinary citizens to explore China’s presence in 15 African countries.

He says there’s a debate about the long-term consequences of China’s push into the African continent: Will it create development and prosperity, or will it lead to exploitation reminiscent of 19th-century European colonialism?

French tells Fresh Air’s Dave Davies that African citizens, for their part, would like Chinese businesses to be more open and transparent. He also explains that when Chinese leaders look at Africa, they don’t just see arable land and natural resources — they see a potential market for Chinese products…

…DAVIES: You spent some time in Mozambique with a Chinese immigrant, Hao Shengli – is that – am I getting close to his name?

FRENCH: Hao Shengli.

DAVIES: Hao Shengli. Just tell us a little bit about how he got there and what kind of farming business he established.

FRENCH: So Hao Shengli had a been sort of a moderately successful businessman back in China who had a peculiar marital history. He had taken on several wives in succession, but after each divorce, had maintained an intimate and financial relationship with the past wife, even as he took on a new wife. And so this led to a need for him to continually amass more and more money. And this drove him eventually to seek opportunity outside of China.

He initially tries to open some businesses in the Middle East. They don’t succeed. And he went to a trade fair in southern China where, for the first time, he’s exposed to talk about opportunities in Africa. And he decided to try his hand there, and this leads him to go to Mozambique where he believed, because it was a Portuguese-speaking country, he wouldn’t find any Chinese people. He -Hao Shengli was driven by this very common motive that we’ve talked about before, where, you know, he wants to get to a place where there’s not going to be any competition from other Chinese people. And so he goes to Mozambique, and I meet him in the capital, Maputo. And he very generously drives me to his farm.

DAVIES: And how is he able to buy so much arable land?

FRENCH: So Hao had come with a certain amount of savings. He was a businessman. In China, he had had a reasonable success. He had saved up – I don’t know – over $100,000, which he had arrived with. And he described a process to me where he sort of makes his way from county to county ingratiating himself to local officials. And in the county where he finally settled, he had apparently helped in the construction of some local roads there. And this had won him great favor with local officials. And he ends up using these relationships to secure interest in this land.

He made a payment for the land, and then he settles on the land. He begins farming Stevia, which is a plant that produces sweeteners that are used in diet sodas. And his scheme is to become a giant Stevia producer and to export to the likes of Pepsi and Coca-Cola, etc. Hao very quickly, though, runs into trouble with residents of the surrounding villages around his land who are resentful of the fact that he secured this very rich and irrigated valley, which had been years earlier owned and run by Portuguese colonials.

And so he develops this scheme to bring his sons to Mozambique – teenage sons, one of them about 17, one of them a few years younger. And his idea that he comes up with is that if he marries off or at least has his sons procreate with local women, that the children of these couplings will become part of his clan. And as Mozambican citizens, they will be able to own the land legally in perpetuity. And his hold on this rich valley then can’t be challenged.

DAVIES: Well that’s – that’s an entrepreneurial spirit to family building, isn’t it?

FRENCH: Absolutely.

DAVIES: This immigrant, Shengli, who had bought this land and was bringing his sons over and had big plans, how exactly did he figure his son would get African wives? I mean, what would they do to get them? Is it a matter of dating? Is it a matter of visiting their parents?

FRENCH: Very good question. I mean, so the exact details are a bit hazy here. But as I began to talk through these questions with Shengli, it emerges that he himself may have had something of a relationship with the girl who ends up being the girlfriend of his first son—either that or he had a relationship with a friend of the girl who becomes the girlfriend of his son.

As we talk these things through, he tells me that through a variety of payments made to essentially the family members of the clan of eligible girls—eligible in his view—girls, he had been able to secure relationships with various local girls. And he exhibited a great deal of impatience for his younger son, who he called Little Fatty. This is a prepubescent – I don’t know – I want to say 14-year-old, who had just arrived very recently from China and really had no sort of native interest in girls yet. And Hao was deeply irritated by this, saying, you know, we’ve got to get on with this, we’ve got to get on with this. You know, he’s thinking about building his clan, and he’s paired off the older son with a girl and – who knows? – but they may have had children by now. And he’s very anxious to see this happen with the younger boy as well…

Read the article here. Listen to the interview (00:26:23)  here. Download the audio here. Read the transcript here.