Effects of interracial crosses on cephalometric measurements

Posted in Anthropology, Articles, Media Archive, United States on 2012-08-24 20:43Z by Steven

Effects of interracial crosses on cephalometric measurements

American Journal of Physical Anthropology
Volume 69, Issue 4 (April 1986)
pages 465–472
DOI: 10.1002/ajpa.1330690405

C. S. Chung
Department of Public Health Sciences
University of Hawaii, Manoa

D. W. Runck
Department of Public Health Sciences
University of Hawaii, Manoa

S. E. Bilben
Department of Public Health Sciences
University of Hawaii, Manoa

M. C. W. Kau
Division of Dental Health
Hawaii State Department of Health

The effects of race and interracial crossing were examined on six cephalometric measurements among 9, 912 schoolchildren in Hawaii. The measurements studied were face height, bizygomatic diameter, bigonial diameter, head breadth, head length, and cephalic index. Racial effects were studied in terms of general racial effect, maternal effect, and hybridity and recombination effects based on a model of diallel cross. Generally, Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, and Filipinos were characterized by longer lateral and smaller anterior-posterior dimensions relative to Caucasians. Maternal effects appeared to be present in the measures of lateral dimension. No clear effects of hybridity and recombination were seen except for bizygomatic diameter, which appears to behave as a partial dominant trait. The racial mean of bizygomatic diameter, or the ratio of this measure to head length, were found to have a relationship with the racial incidences of cleft lip with or without cleft palate.

Read or purchase the article here.

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The cure for racism? More mixed blood

Posted in Anthropology, Articles, Media Archive, United States on 2012-08-23 17:39Z by Steven

The cure for racism? More mixed blood

Times-Standard
Eureka, California
2012-08-23

Tim Martin
McKinleyville, California

I’ve always thought that most people, regardless of sex, color or faith, have a good heart. That’s why it saddened me to hear that radical hate groups and militias in America are growing in number. The demographic change reportedly has something to do with it. Census figures show the majority of babies born in 2011 were non-white. Hard economic times also seem to be fueling the fire. Add to that a high unemployment rate and the nation’s first “black” president, and you have a solid foundation for the expansion of extremist groups.

Racism, America’s longest train wreck, is still in progress. Personally, I think it’s time to put an end to the hatred and intolerance. The best way to do that? We can start by flipping over a few rocks. One rock racism hides under is called “racial purity,” the belief that the various races should be kept clean by not permitting interbreeding. It’s a more subtle form of racism, like xenophobia, but it remains a big problem in this country. Those who practice racial purity think ethnic groups are fine in small doses, but only if they keep their distance…

…This might come as a shock to some, but there is no pure race. Which means there’s no superior race (great news, huh?). Many cultures, many individuals, yes, but we’re all mutts. Healthy mutts, thanks to our diverse DNA which leads to a stronger resistance against diseases. It’s the same for every nationality. Russians are genetically related to Australians, and to Chinese, etc…

Read the entire opinion piece here.

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Racial Democracy in Brazilian Marriage: Toward a Typology of Negro-White Intermarriage in Five Brazilian Communities

Posted in Anthropology, Articles, Brazil, Caribbean/Latin America, Media Archive, Social Science on 2012-08-22 05:24Z by Steven

Racial Democracy in Brazilian Marriage: Toward a Typology of Negro-White Intermarriage in Five Brazilian Communities

The American Catholic Sociological Review
Volume 21, Number 2 (Summer, 1960)
pages 146-164

Austin J. Staley, O. S. B.

Revised version of paper read at the Twenty-first Annual Convention of the American Catholic Sociological Society, Mundelein College, Chicago, Illinois, August 31-September 2, 1959.

It was Robert Park who summed up many observers’ impression of racial democracy in Brazil: “the people of Brazil have, somehow, regained that paradisaic innocence, with respect to differences of race.” After completing his study of intermarriage in São Paulo, Samuel Lowrie concluded that Brazil is “one of the largest, if not the largest, melting-pot of the races.” Brazil has been singled out as the great “laboratory of the races,” which offers a “magnificent field for experimental studies on the contacts of races and cultures.” No facet of the Brazilian culture has been studied as intensively by sociologists and anthropologists as the area included under race relations.

There is a near consensus of opinion among students of race relations at least on one issue. The crucial problem of race relations is that of Negro-white intermarriage. The common denominator and central nerve of the Negro problem is racial intermarriage. The ultimate case against integration and racial democracy…

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Rosario Dawson and the Ambiguous Blackness of Latinidad

Posted in Anthropology, Articles, Communications/Media Studies, Latino Studies, Literary/Artistic Criticism, Media Archive, United States, Women on 2012-08-11 20:34Z by Steven

Rosario Dawson and the Ambiguous Blackness of Latinidad

antenna
2012-08-05

Keara Goin

As has become abundantly clear to me over the course of my research, in the context of contemporary popular U.S. racial discourse, one is either Latina/o or Black, not both. Moreover, we see this phenomenon replicated in U.S. cinema, where characters played by Afro-Latina/o actors are racialized as Hispanic or African American and, usually, nothing in between. Actors like Christina Milian (who is of Afro-Cuban descent) and Zoë Saldana (who is of Dominican heritage) have dark enough skin that casting them as African American seems appropriate, if not the only option. While Michelle Rodriguez (who is of mixed Latino and Dominican descent), who can better embody a generic Latina look (Clara Rodriguez 1997), can easily play a Chicana from Los Angeles primarily based on her lighter (read: whiter) skin tone. Relying on dominant conceptions of racialization to construct a racial understanding of racially mixed and ambiguous actors, casting agents are often motivated by racialized casting practices (Kristen Warner 2010)…

Read the entire article here.

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Who Gets To Decide Who Is Native American?

Posted in Anthropology, Articles, Audio, Media Archive, Native Americans/First Nation, United States on 2012-08-10 03:00Z by Steven

Who Gets To Decide Who Is Native American?

Tell Me More
National Public Radio
2012-08-09

Michel Martin, Host

Rob Capriccioso, Washington Bureau Chief
Indian Country Today Media Network

Tiya Miles, Professor of American Culture, Afroamerican and African Studies, and Native American Studies
University of Michigan

A controversy about identity has erupted in the race for U.S. Senate in Massachusetts. News outlets revealed Democrat Elizabeth Warren claimed Cherokee ancestry during her academic career, and critics say Warren isn’t providing enough documentation to prove her identity. Host Michel Martin discusses just who is Native American.

Listen to the story here. Download the story here. Read the transcript here.

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Who Is Jamaica?

Posted in Anthropology, Articles, Caribbean/Latin America, History, Media Archive on 2012-08-06 17:25Z by Steven

Who Is Jamaica?

The New York Times
2012-08-05

Carolyn Cooper, Professor of Literary and Cultural Studies
University of the West Indies, Mona, Jamaica

DURING last week’s independence festivities, I took out my prized commemorative plate. It was a gift from the mother of a long-ago boyfriend who, incomprehensibly, complained constantly that his mother loved me more than him. Needless to say, he didn’t last.


Source: Wikipedia

The plate has a little chip, but it’s the spirit that counts: a little bit of tactile history. It features the Jamaican coat of arms. There is an Amerindian woman bearing a basket of pineapples and a man holding a bow. At school we were taught they were Arawak. These days, they are called Taino. But the distinction is academic.

The native people of Xaymaca, as the island was once called, are extinct. In their culture, the pineapple symbolized hospitality. Genocide was their reward for the welcome they gave Christopher Columbus. They survive only in the coat of arms and in the modest museum that is dedicated to their history. Perched above the man and woman is a crocodile. The reptile has fared better; its descendants live on.

Jamaica was one of the first British colonies to receive its own coat of arms, in 1661. The Latin motto grandly declaimed: “Indus uterque serviet uni” (Both Indies will serve one). From East to mythic West, colonial relations of domination were inscribed in heraldry. When we gained our independence from Britain, 50 years ago today, the motto was changed to “Out of many, one people.”

Though this might appear to be a vast improvement on the servile Indies, the new motto encodes its own problematic contradictions. It marginalizes the nation’s black majority by asserting that the idealized face of the Jamaican nation is multiracial. In actuality, only about 7 percent of the population is mixed-race; 3 percent is European, Chinese or East Indian, and 90 percent is of African origin.

It was my high school English teacher, Miss Julie Thorne, who first brought the fraudulence of the motto’s homogenizing racial myth to my attention. “Out of many, one people?” she asked the class. “Which one?”

In the highly stratified Jamaica of the 1960s, the white and mixed-race elite were the “one” who ruled the “many.”…

Read the entire opinion piece here.

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Indigenous Nationalities and the Mestizo Dilemma

Posted in Anthropology, Articles, Canada, Caribbean/Latin America, Media Archive, Mexico, Native Americans/First Nation, Social Science, United States on 2012-08-06 00:14Z by Steven

Indigenous Nationalities and the Mestizo Dilemma

Indian Country Today Media Network
2012-07-24

Duane Champagne, Professor of Sociology
University of California, Los Angeles

Mestizo. Métis. Mixed bloods. Though clearly different, all these terms are used to racially classify people with Indian ancestry. However, the definitions vary—and none is wholly satisfactory.
 
Part of the problem is the widely varying histories of these people. The U.S. and Canada, for example, are settler states, where immigrants who took the land went on to form the majority. There, Indian and mixed-blood populations are a distinct minority.
 
However, many other countries like Mexico, El Salvador, Peru and Ecuador have majority mixed-blood and indigenous populations, or mixed-blood leadership over indigenous majorities. Here, indigenous and mixed-blood identities and political relations come into sharper focus.
 
Officially, racial classifications were officially discouraged in so-called Latin America after Spain lost control over most of its colonies there in the early 1800s. Just the same, many governments, like Mexico’s, promoted a mestizo national identity based on a mix of European and indigenous heritages. In the United States and Canada, we call this process assimilation.
 
In Mexico, by contrast, it is called mestizaje. Mestizaje policies ask Indigenous Peoples to join the national community and economy, adopt the Spanish language, and abandon their traditional tribal communities, culture, language and dress.

Read the entire article here.

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The Free Negro Family: A Study of Family Origins Before the Civil War

Posted in Anthropology, Books, History, Media Archive, Monographs, United States on 2012-08-05 22:12Z by Steven

The Free Negro Family: A Study of Family Origins Before the Civil War

Fisk University Press
1932
72 pages
E185.86 .F84
Source: University of Michigan via The Hathi Trust Digital Library

E. Franklin Frazier (1894-1962), Professor of Sociology
Fisk University

CONTENTS

  1. Origin, Growth, and Distribution of the Free Negroes
  2. Character of the Free Negro Communities
  3. The Free Negro Family
    • Selected Bibliography

TABLES

  1. Growth of the Slave and Free Negro Population in the United States: 1790-1860
  2. Distribution of the Free Negro Population According to States in 1830 and 1860
  3. Number of Slaves and Free Negroes in the Total Population of Four Leading Cities in 1790
  4. School Attendance and Adult Illiteracy Among the Free Negro Population in 16 Cities: 1850

MAPS

  1. Percentage of the Negro Population Free in the Counties of Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, and the District of Columbia: 1860
  2. Distribution of Free Negro Families: 1830

CHAPTER I: ORIGIN, GROWTH, AND DISTRIBUTION OF THE FREE NEGROES

A class of free Negroes existed in America almost from the time that they were first introduced into the Virginia colony in 1619. Contrary to popular belief, the free class may even be said to be prior in origin to the slave class, since the first Negroes brought to America, did not have the status of slaves, but of indentured servants. Contracts of indentured Negro servants indicate that the status of the first Negroes was the same as that of the white servants. Moreover, court records show that Negroes were released originally upon the completion of a term of servitude. The slave status, for which the white colonists had no model in England, “developed in customary law, and was legally sanctioned at first by court decisions.” Although it was not until 1662 that the first act of the Virginia slave code was passed, slavery by this time had apparently become established in practice. As early as 1651 we find a Negro, Anthony Johnson, who was probably enumerated among the indentured servants in the census of 1624, having assigned to him in fee simple a land patent for two hundred and fifty acres of land. Two years later this same man was the defendant in a suit brought against him by another Negro for his freedom from servitude, after having served “seaven or eight years of Indenture.” According to Russell, “The upper limit of the period in which it was possible for negroes to come to Virginia as servants and to acquire freedom after a limited period is the year 1682” Nevertheless, the free class continued to grow until the Civil War.

The free Negro population was increased through five sources: (1) children born of free colored persons; (2) mulatto children born of free colored mothers; (3) mulatto children born of white servants or free women; (4) children of free Negro and Indian parentage; (5) manumitted slaves. The increase in the free Negro population through the offspring of free colored parents, though difficult to estimate, contributed to the growth of this class until Emancipation. Likewise, the numerous cases of offsprings from white fathers and free colored mothers would indicate that from this source the free Negro population was constantly enlarged. Mulattoes born of white servant women and free white women were also a significant factor, for it was soon the cause for special legislative action. Virginia, in 1691, passed a law prescribing that “any white woman marrying a negro or mulatto, bond or free,” should be banished. Maryland, in 1681, provided in an act that children born of white servant women and Negroes were free. Eleven years later any white woman who married or became the mother of a child by either a slave or free Negro became a servant for seven years. Pennsylvania found it necessary to restrict the intermarriage of Negroes and whites through legislative action in 1725-1726, after having punished a woman for “abetting a clandestine marriage between a white woman and a negro” in 1722. This restriction was swept away, as well as the other restrictions upon the Negro, in 1780. Seemingly, mixed marriages became common, for Thomas Branagan complained:

There are many, very many blacks who . . . begin to feel themselves consequential . . . will not be satisfied unless they get white women for wives, and are likewise exceedingly impertinent to white people in low circumstances … I solemnly swear, I have seen more white women married to, and deluded through the arts of seduction by Negroes in one year in Philadelphia, than for eight years I was visiting (West Indies and the Southern States). I know a black man who seducted a young white girl. . . who soon after married him, and died with a broken heart. On her death he said that he would not disgrace himself to have a Negro wife and acted accordingly, for he soon after married a white woman . . . There are perhaps hundreds of white women thus fascinated by black men in this city, and there are thousands of black children by them at present.

It is difficult to determine to what extent the intermixture of free Negroes and Indians contributed to the growth of the free colored population. There was always considerable association between the Indian and Negro, both in areas given up to Indians and outside of these areas…

Read the entire book here.

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The Negro in Washington: A Study in Race Amalgamation

Posted in Anthropology, Books, Media Archive, Monographs, Social Science, United States on 2012-08-04 04:25Z by Steven

The Negro in Washington: A Study in Race Amalgamation

Walter Neale, Publisher, New York
1930
332 pages
Original Classification ID: E185.93.D695
Source: University of California via The Hathi Trust Digital Library

A. H. Shannon, B. D., M. A.
Former Chaplain of the Mississippi State Penetentiary
Member, American Anthropological Association

CONTENTS

  • A. A Personal Word to the Reader.
  • B. Introduction.
  • I. Statement of the Case.
  • II. The Mulatto
  • III. Illegitimacy
  • IV. Isabella and Jamestown
  • V. The Near-White.
  • VI. The Poor-White
  • VIII. Politics and the Race Problem
  • III. Race and Religion
  • IX. Colonization as a Solution of the American Race Problem
  • X. Some Conclusions and a Forward Look

A PERSONAL WORD TO THE READER

The author of this book has been, for some years, a  close observer of race relations and a student of those  problems growing out of racial contacts. As Chaplain of the Mississippi State Penitentiary, he was called  upon to minister to several hundred Negro prisoners,  thus gaining a measure of intimate knowledge of the Negro criminal. As a teacher in the employ of the  Imperial Government of Japan, he was privileged to  make a brief study of an Oriental civilization. Here  was gained some knowledge of the Eurasian problem, so acute in some of the Asiatic countries and in evidence  wherever contact of East and West has occurred.

The chief interest of the author in the Negro problem has centered about the matter of racial intermixture—the Mulatto problem—and most of his writings have had to do with this evil. The present study, while endeavoring to ascertain and to state fact impartially, necessarily gives a large measure of personal reaction  to certain of the problems involved in present-day contacts of the two races, the black and the white, in the United States. Whoever really understands conditions now obtaining in North America is prepared to understand the situation wherever two dissimilar races occupy the same territory, or wherever casual racial contacts occur—as they now do throughout the greater part of the world.

There is a conscious and an intentional limiting of this study largely to those features of the situation which may well tend toward discouragement, if not toward hopeless pessimism. Since it now appears fashionable to approach the Negro problem from the standpoint of the invincible optimist, resolutely ignoring or consciously discarding those facts which, fairly faced, would shatter so many pleasing theories, it is well that some one should present the darker side of the picture, for there is a terribly dark side. The reader, once the situation is clearly analyzed and its elements indicated, may be trusted to interpret aright the issues unquestionably involved. Americans, white and black alike, are not awake to the real situation confronting them, a fact clearly evidenced by more than half century of silence and indifference touching the vital issue of race amalgamation and the conditions under which this is now occurring.

As an answer to the ever-ready charge of ministering to, if not creating, racial antagonisms and hates—a charge behind which there sometimes lurks more of moral and of intellectual inertia than some good people are aware of—there is to be noted the difference between a clear statement of fact, a clear-cut challenge to the self-respect of each of two groups, and a maligning of one group by the other. If it has come to the pass that a calm facing of fact, a thorough analysis of a given situation, must be opposed because it reveals the destructiveness of an inherited unreasonable and unreasoned program, there should, at least, be a clear understanding of the attitudes displayed and a close scrutiny of the motives behind these attitudes.

Both races in America, especially in the United States, are confronted by facts demanding careful consideration; by problems the solution of which depends primarily upon thorough analysis as the basis for a full understanding of what is really involved. Various organizations, secular and religious, are in the field, voluntarily endeavoring to carry out programs which they are free to make what they will. Most of these would resent the charge that they are contributing directly to moral confusion and to racial degradation. Most of them would resent the charge that their work and the attitudes upon which it rests constitute the most destructive influence against which the full-blood Negro must contend at the present time. Can it be shown that such charge is untrue? If only there could be a general and an honest, dispassionate inquiry, bringing these matters into the realm of conscious thought and purposive program, there would be hope of constructive action. If this volume assists the reader to break with traditional lines of thought and the attitudes and the programs based upon these lines of thought, thus promoting independent analysis and rationally constructive programs, it will serve a useful and a timely purpose.

The author is forced into a position which is es sentially unpleasant. It becomes necessary to point out the grounds of criticism, the delinquencies, of those who, holding positions of leadership—political, educational, religious—have failed to see, or seeing have failed to meet, or have met with utter indifference, the problems here discussed. Upon the part of the leaders of both races there has been, at best, a light estimate of the trust reposed in their leadership. No further evidence is necessary to establish this fact than to call attention to present conditions and to the manner in which these conditions have grown up, without effective protest or warning, and that they are now generally accepted, without analysis, and without intelligent evaluation of their logical, their inevitable, results.

The thanks of the author are due to both Authors  and Publishers permitting the use of quotations appear ing in this volume. Credit is given in each case. Professor E. B. Reuter has been especially generous, permitting the unrestricted use of material the collection of which necessarily cost him much expense, in addition, to time and labor involved. His book, The Mulatto in the United States, is a very valuable statement of ultimate fact.

Read the entire book here.

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How Jews Became White Folks and What That says about Race in America

Posted in Anthropology, Books, Judaism, Media Archive, Monographs, Religion, Social Science, United States on 2012-08-02 00:53Z by Steven

How Jews Became White Folks and What That says about Race in America

Rutgers University Press
1998-10-01
272 pages
Cloth ISBN: 978-0-8135-2589-1
Paper ISBN: 978-0-8135-2590-7

Karen Brodkin, Professor Emeritus of Anthropology
University of California, Los Angeles

A wide-ranging and provocative assessment of how race, class, and gender shape social identity in the United States.

We fashion identities in the context of a wider conversation about American nationhood, to whom it belongs and what belonging means. Race and ethnicity, class, gender, and sexuality are all staple ingredients in this conversation. They are salient aspects of social being from which economic practices, political policies, and popular discourses create “Americans.” Because all of these facets of social being have such significant meaning on a national scale, they also have major consequences for both individuals and groups in terms of their success and well-being, as well as how they perceive themselves socially and politically.

The history of Jews in the United States is one of racial change that provides useful insights on race in America. Prevailing classifications have sometimes assigned Jews to the white race and at other times have created an off-white racial designation for them. Those changes in racial assignment have shaped the ways American Jews of different eras have constructed their ethnoracial identities. Brodkin illustrates these changes through an analysis of her own family’s multi-generational experience. She shows how Jews experience a kind of double vision that comes from racial middleness: on the one hand, marginality with regard to whiteness; on the other, whiteness and belonging with regard to blackness.

Class and gender are key elements of race-making in American history. Brodkin suggests that this country’s racial assignment of individuals and groups constitutes an institutionalized system of occupational and residential segregation, is a key element in misguided public policy, and serves as a pernicious foundational principle in the construction of nationhood. Alternatives available to non-white and alien “others” have been either to whiten or to be consigned to an inferior underclass unworthy of full citizenship. The American ethnoracial map-who is assigned to each of these poles-is continually changing, although the binary of black and white is not. As a result, the structure within which Americans form their ethnoracial, gender, and class identities is distressingly stable. Brodkin questions the means by which Americans construct their political identities and what is required to weaken the hold of this governing myth.

Contents

  • Acknowledgments
  • Introduction
  • 1. How Did Jews Become White Folks?
  • 2. Race Making
  • 3. Race, Gender, and Virtue in Civic Discourse
  • 4. Not Quite White: Gender and Jewish Identity
  • 5. A Whiteness of Our Own? Jewishness and Whiteness in the 1950s and 1960s
  • Conclusion
  • Notes
  • Bibliography
  • Index
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