Mixed Race Studies

Being Raced, Acting Racially: Multiracial Tribal College Students’ Representations of Their Racial Identity Choices

University of New Mexico, Albuquerque
September 2010
208 pages

Michelle Rene Montgomery

DISSERTATION Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Language, Literacy, and Sociocultural Studies

In recent years, many studies have clearly documented that mixed-race people are currently engaged in the process of self validation (DaCosta. 2007; Dalmage, 2003; McQueen, 2002; Root, 1996 & 2001; Spencer, J, M., 1997; Spencer, R., 2006a; Thorton, 1992). There is not a lot of empirical research that examines how schools influence the racial identity of multiracial students, in particular mixed-race students that identify as Native American. Even more troubling is the lack of literature on experiences of mixed-race students using racial identity choice as a social and political tool through race discourse and actions. The aim of this qualitative case study was to look at the relationship between the racial agency of multiracial students and the larger white supremacist social structure. The research questions addressed in this study are as follows: (1) How do the formal and informal schooling contexts shape the identity choices of multiracial students? (2) How do the identity choices of multiracial students conform to an/or resist the racialized social system of the United States?

This study was conducted at a tribal college in New Mexico with selected mixed-race participants who identified as Native American, or acknowledged Native American ancestry. At the time of data collection, the school enrollment was 513 students, representing 83 federally recognized tribes and 22 state recognized tribes. The presence of a multi-racial body of students created a unique contributing factor of multiracial participants for a broader understanding of mixed-race experiences in cultural and traditional learning environments. The study was conducted using qualitative case study methodology of mixed-race students interviewed in the last weeks of the fall semester (pre-interview) and once during the last few weeks of the spring semester (post interviews). Mixed-race students were asked to discuss nine group sessions during the spring semester their lived experiences that influenced their identity choices. The sample for this study represented mixed-race participants from various tribal communities. In an eight-month time period of the study, nine participants were interviewed and participated in-group sessions. Of the nine total in sample, two were male, seven were female; three were Native American/white, two were black/white/Native American, three were Hispanic/white/Native American, and one were Hispanic/Native American.

From my analysis of the nine participants’ mixed-race experience, three overarching themes emerged: (a) racial(ized) self-perceptions, (b) peer interactions and influences, and (c) impact on academic experiences. Of the nine participants, how a students’ race was asserted, assigned, and reassigned appears to be determined by being mixed-race with black versus white or non-black. According to the participants, this particular tribal college did not provide a supportive or welcoming environment. As a result, students were highly stratified based on experiences tied to their phenotype and racial mixture; the more “black” they appeared, the more alienated they were. In the classroom, there was often a divide between black/Native mixed-race students versus white/Native mixed-race students, similar to the differences between monoracial white and black student experiences. As a result of dissimilar experiences based on mixedness, there were group association conflicts during their schooling experiences that included feeling vicitimized when their whiteness did not prevail as an asset or being alienated due to blackness. The study also found a clear distinction between the mixed-race black experience versus the mixed-race with white experience based on phenotypic features. Overall, mixed-race with black schooling experiences indicated situations of racial conflict. The findings of this study have policy implications for tribal colleges and other institutions to develop programs and services to help mixed-race students identify and bond with their learning environments.

Table of Contents

• CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION
  • Introduction
  • Statement of the Problem
  • Purpose of the Study
  • Significance of the Study
  • Research Questions
  • Definition of Key Terms
  • Overview of Methodology
  • Limitations of the Study
• CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW
  • Introduction
    • The Politics of Multiracialism
    • Empirical Research On The Identity Politics of Multiracial Students40
• CHAPTER 3 METHODS
  • Focus of the Research
  • Research Design
  • Research Participants
  • Setting
  • Portrait of Participants
  • Data Collection
  • Data Analysis
  • Ethics
  • Validity
  • Trustworthiness
• CHAPTER 4 ANALYSIS OF MIXED-RACE EXPERIENCES
  • Theme One: Racial(ized) Self-Perceptions
    • Identity Politics of Blood Quantum
      • Black/Native American Experience
      • Non-Black/Native American Experience
    • Summary
    • Self-Perceptions of Race Being Asserted, Negotiated and Redefined
      • Non-Black/Native American Experience
      • Black/Native American Experience
      • Non-Black/Native American Experience
        • Black/Native American Experience
        • Non-Black/Native American Experience
    • Disadvantages: Mixed-race Identity Choice
      • Black/Native American Experience
      • Non-Black/Native American Experience
    • Advantages: Mixed-race Identity Choice
      • Non-Black/Native American Experience
    • Summary
  • Theme Two: Peer Interactions and Influences
    • Perceivable Differences
      • Non-Black/Native American Experience
      • Black/Native American Experience
    • Summary
    • Surviving the Losses
      • Non-Black/Native American Experience
      • Black/Native American Experience
    • Summary
  • Theme Three: The Impact on Academic Experiences
    • The Role of Tribal Colleges
    • Schooling Experiences
      • Black/Native American Experience
      • Non-Black/Native American Experience
    • Summary
• CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION
  • Discussion
    • Major Findings
      • Research Question #1
      • Research Question #2
    • Summary
    • Recommendations
      • Administrators
      • Faculty and Staff
      • Future Research
      • Conclusion
• APPENDICES
• APPENDIX A CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH
• APPENDIX B PARTICIPANT DEMOGRAPHIC QUESTIONNAIRE
• APPENDIX C FIRST PARTICIPANT INTERVIEW
• APPENDIX D SECOND PARTICIPANT INTERVIEW
• REFERENCES

Chapter 1: Introduction

Introduction

Dark brown skin with wavy hair, I am accustomed to being asked, “What are you?” Often I am mistaken for being reserved despite my easy, sincere grin. My facial expression perhaps does not show what I have learned in my life: reluctant people endure, passionate people live. Whether it is the glint of happiness in my eyes or what I call “using laughter to heal your soul,” my past experience as a mixed-race person has been significantly different from my current outlook on life. I am at ease with my lived experiences, very willing to share and even encouraging others to probe more into my racialized experience. Like many mixed-race people, I experienced an epiphany: disowning a need to belong and disengaging from the structure of race has given me the confidence to critique race discourse.

I identify as Native American with mixed-race heritage. I am mixed-race black/white, Native American, and mixed-race Korean/Mongolian. My father is mixedrace black/white and Native American, and my mother is mixed-race Korean/Mongolian. We are enrolled members of the Haliwa Saponi Tribe. When I was growing up, my father taught me that I am a multiracial person. So, I can personally relate to the idea that monoraciality does not fit my multiracial identity or those of other multiracials in our socalled “melting pot” society.

However, countless numbers of times I have been raced in ways that have forced me to choose a group association. My own experiences illustrate how racial designation and group association plays itself out in society, including in classroom learning environments. My siblings and I grew up in a predominantly mixed-race Native American community in northeastern North Carolina that included black, Native American, and white ancestry. I attended a rural high school that contained mixed-race black/Native American, mixed-raced white/Native American, monoracial blacks, and monoracial white students. It was not unusual for mixed-race black/Native American and monoracial blacks to create close group associations, which were exhibited through social interactions that occurred when sitting together in the cafeteria, classrooms, or in designated lounging areas around campus. However, mixed-race white/Native American students, especially those who seemed phenotypically white, did not want to be associated with monoracial black students. Most mixed-race white/Native American students created group associations with monoracial white students. As a brown complexioned multiracial person in this racially polarized environment, I was placed in a situation where I had to choose a group association to keep mixed-race black/Native American and monoracial black students from viewing me as acting white. On the other hand, the mixed-raced white/Native Americans and monoracial whites viewed my actions as acting black.

Because of my Korean and Mongolian ancestry, I was not perceived phenotypically as a true member of the black or Native American groups. My Koreanness caused friction between me and the monoracial black and mixed-race black/Native American groups with which I most commonly associated because it gave me an inroad to the white/r groups that they did not have. Because I did not acknowledge and challenge my advantage, I allowed myself to be used as an agent of racism. This happened in a number of ways. For instance, monoracial white and mixed-race Native American groups asked me to sit with them in the cafeteria, but they did not invite monoracial blacks and mixed-race black/Native Americans. And I accepted their invitation. As a consequence, the group with which I most associated viewed me as a race traitor, as a racial fraud. And I felt like one, too. I am ashamed that I actively participated in the denigration of blacks, which is the most denigrated part of my own ancestry. A multiracial person with black ancestry who accepts not being identified as black in an effort to subvert white privilege (i.e., resisting racial categorization as a way of challenging the notion of race) can actually be reinforcing it, as was the case for me. The problem is how the context and meaning of being a race traitor or committing racial fraud arises out of and is bounded by the social and political descriptions of race. Both social and political constructs are then used as a justification for policing the accuracy of racial identification or political alliance. In most instances, being cast as a race traitor, or as an alleged racial fraud, is a constitutive feature of the dynamics of the informal school setting, and is further developed in the formal schooling setting Since racial identity is a social and political construct, it requires meaning in the context of a particular set of social relationships. In a tribal college setting, the identity politics of blood quantum often influences the multiracial experience of students (i.e., learning environment…

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San Francisco State Journalism Professor Yumi Wilson’s Multicultural Heritage Helps Connect People

Diverse: Issues in Higher Education
2011-08-11

Lydia Lum

San Francisco State Journalism Professor Yumi Wilson’s Multicultural Heritage Helps Connect People

Yumi Wilson teaches news writing, opinion and literary journalism at San Francisco State University where she’s an associate professor of journalism. Formerly a reporter for The Associated Press and the San Francisco Chronicle, Wilson covered hundreds of major stories. They included the 1992 Los Angeles race riots after the acquittal of White police officers in the beating of Black motorist Rodney King and the controversial, voter-approved Proposition 209, which banned California’s public universities and agencies from considering race in admissions, contracting and employment. A Fulbright scholarship enabled Wilson to travel to Japan in 2001 and research military marriages, conduct interviews about interracial identities there and, with the help of translators, ask her relatives about her mother’s early life. Wilson holds an MFA in creative nonfiction writing from the University of San Francisco.

DI: What are your observations about diversity in the news industry today?

YW: I’m really worried. Fewer people of color are choosing journalism careers. Entry-level jobs are scarce. The pay is often so low that it seems only people whose families can afford a financial hit can get into journalism. Internships are excellent to gain experience, but nowadays they seem to last much longer than a summer and, at some point, a paying job really should kick in. I would not have been able to get into journalism if these cutbacks had occurred when I was in college. It’s disappointing that young minorities studying journalism are choosing other careers or going to graduate school without working in the field because even if they work in journalism for only five years, they would still make an impact with their energy and ideas. We’re fast losing an important voice of conscience…

…DI: As the daughter of a Black U.S. Army soldier and a woman from northern Japan, what have you written connected to your heritage?

YW: I wrote an essay exploring the shifting meaning of multiracial identity, which was published in a Loyola Marymount University literary journal a few years ago. And this year, I presented a paper about Black Amerasians at the Association for Asian American Studies conference. It’s reassuring to know it connects with people helping to spread knowledge.

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Texas bucks U.S. trend on standardized scoring

Houston Chronicle
2011-07-25

Jennifer Radcliffe
 
It will tally multiracial students but not report their scores separately

Multiracial students are being tallied for the first time in Texas history, but their standardized test scores won’t appear as a separate group when accountability ratings are released Friday.

As it grapples with increasing diversity, Texas has opted not to measure the scores of the state’s 78,419 multiracial, non-Hispanic students as an ethnic subgroup whose performance matters in determining whether a school made “adequate yearly progress.”
 
Instead, they’ll join the ranks of the 180,000 Asian students lumped in with their schools’ entire student body for accountability purposes…

…Some scores moved
 
As Texas transitions to the new categories this year, state officials have opted to return some multiracial students’ scores to their previous category, if records indicate that the student was originally listed as white or African American. Their scores will only count in that previous category if they improve the school’s rating…

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School Hygiene and Eugenics: The Role of Physical Education in Regeneration “The Brazilian Race”

Revista HISTEDBR On-Line
Number 35 (September 2009)
pages 19-28
ISSN: 1676-2584

Karl M. Lorenz, Associate Professor, Director Teacher Certification Programs
Sacred Heart University, Fairfield, Connecticut

From 1870 to 1930, physicians, writers, anthropologists and educators discussed the relationship between education and the less-privileged segments of the Brazilian population. Among ideas circulating in the late nineteenth century were precepts of School Hygiene, such as physical exercise could promote personal health and, in a broader sense, the total development of the child. In discussions of eugenic themes in the early decades of the twentieth century, Physical Education was further promoted as a corrective measure for the negative effects of miscegenation; that is, the physical, intellectual and moral debilities of the poor and non-white segments of the Brazilian population. This paper examines the nature and effects of the school discipline Physical Education on the less-favored children of Brazil by first introducing its role in School Hygiene and then by focusing on its extended role from the eugenic perspective. In this latter discussion, the racial ideas of Fernando de Azevedo regarding the regenerating effect of Physical Education on the “Brazilian Race” are explored.

During the period known as the First Republic (1889-1930), different segments of Brazilian society sought to define the “Brazilian race.” Their efforts originated from a larger concern about the most efficacious ways to politically and socially modernize the country and create a new model of society. Increasing urbanization, industrialization, abolition, and an expanding school-going populace were important factors that shaped discussions on economic and social issues in the waning years of the Empire (1822-1889) and the first years of the Republic.

The question that perplexed those struggling with these issues was how could a country endowed with vast national resources like Brazil experience such a slow pace of economic and social development? As expected of such a broad question, numerous explanations were offered. Among these, and one that was prominent in influential intellectual circles, was the racial constitution of the Brazilian people. Race, it was argued, was the key determinant of social progress and national development (VECHIA & LORENZ, 2009, p. 58).

The identification of race as a factor in social progress and national development is not surprising given that since the mid 1800s the Brazilians were familiar with racial theories circulating in Europe. The theories first gained prominence with the studies of the British scientist Francis Galton (1822-1911) and the publication of his 1865 article Hereditary Talent and Character and his 1869 book Hereditary Genius. Galton meticulously recorded the physical characteristics of humans and concluded that a large number of physical, mental and moral traits were inherited and that progress could be achieved by the conscious selection and transmission of a population’s hereditary endowments to future generations. Galton coined the word “eugenics” in 1883 in his Inquiries into Human Faculty and its Development to denote the science of the biological improvement of humankind. The eugenics doctrine encouraged the reproduction of superior individuals and races while discouraging the reproduction of those that were inferior…

…Eugenic Discourse in Brazil

In the second half of the nineteenth century racial ideas circulated in Brazil and fixed the notion for many Brazilian intellectuals that the great challenge of nationhood resided in its people. Count Gobineau’s influential text promoting the racial theory of the superiority of the “Aryan race,” Essai sur l’inégalité des races humaines (1854), was one of the first works known to the Brazilian elite. His ideas supported the thesis that the Brazilian race was primarily comprised of the poor and non-white segments of the population and that these were responsible for the social misery of the country and the slow pace of national progress. Other social and scientific texts by Buckle, Kidd, le Bon, Lapouge, and social Darwinists held up Brazil as a prime example of the “degenerative” effects produced by “promiscuous racial miscegenation.” Brazilians found themselves receptive to these writings, especially those that espoused the apparent inequality of races in terms of a hierarchy constituted of “evolved” and “primitive” typologies. Theories of Negro inferiority, mulatto degeneration, tropical decay and their effects at inhibiting progress were accepted by many of the political and social elite (STEPAN, 1990, p. 114).

Questions about the origin and nature of the Brazilian Race were explored in the national literature, often in publications that voiced eugenic themes and employed eugenic terminology. Sílvio Romero, in his 1888 masterpiece Historia da literatura brasileira, discussed the mixing of the white, Indian and Negro peoples in Brazil, estimated a timeframe for the general whitening of the Brazilian people, and even advocated European immigration to hasten the “whitenening” and “homogenizing” process (ROMERO, 1906, p.123). Euclides da Cunha, in his novel Os Sertões, tells of the 1896 rebellion in Canudos, in the backlands of the northeastern tropical state of Bahia. He reflects on its causes and identifies the prejudicial effects of racial mixing on the behavior of the rebellious mestiço sertenejos (mestizos of the backlands) as one of a constellation of causes. The Bahian physician and ethnographer Nina Rodrigues, in Mestiçagem, Degenerescência e Crime (1899), defended the idea of the inferiority of the mestizo and the Negro and suggested they be subjected to their own penal codes. Towards the end of nineteenth century the historian Joaquim Maria de Lacerda decried the “black race” as “much less civilized and intelligent than other races”, and prior to 1930, the novelist Afrânio Peixoto asserted that mestizos were the problematic offspring of the mixing of superior and inferior races.

Most revealing was the racial view of the Brazilian writer Monteiro Lobato (1882-1948) who describes his disagreement with four inhabitants of the sertão (backlands of Brazil) in a letter to his friend Godofredo Rangel. The letter, which was published in the Journal of São Paulo in 1914, collectively referred to these “four lice” as a fictional and symbolic figure named Jeca Tatu—or “Jeca the backwoods hog” (the armadillo)—thus creating one of the best known literary characters of Brazilian culture. Jeca represents the typical country hick—a poor, ignorant, unpleasant and disease-ridden caboclo (an individual of mixed European and native Indian blood). Monteiro writes of his indignation with the apathy and indolence of the sertenejos, who because of miscegenation were a “veritable plague on the earth.” Even though later Lobato revised his thinking and attributed the decadence of the hybrid Jeca Tatu to his poor economic conditions, the image of the degenerate mestizo became deeply etched in the minds of Brazilians (VECHIA; LORENZ, 2009, p. 61-62)…

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Campus Colorlines: The Changing Boundaries of Race Within Institutions of Higher Education in the Post-Civil Rights Era

University of Southern California
August 2007
675 pages

Patricia Elizabeth Literte, Assistant Professor of Sociology
California State University, Fullerton

A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School University of Southern California In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy

The post-Civil Rights era has been characterized by numerous challenges to traditional understandings of race. The dismantling of legalized segregation and discrimination, ongoing immigration from Asia and Latin America, increasing acceptance of interracial contact and relationships, and relatively unceasing conflict between the Western and Arab world, are just some of the socio-political trends and events which have yielded an increasingly fluid, complex, and intricate racial terrain. Given the increasing fluidity of race in U.S. society, the overarching goal of this dissertation is to illuminate the nature and implications of changing racial identity boundaries in the post-Civil Rights era. In order to fulfill this goal, I examine (1) the experiences of university students who defy conventional racial identity categorizations, (2) the processes of organization/mobilization in which these students engage, and (3) the role universities play in shaping and responding to these students, whose racial identities and politics are often incongruent with the institutions’ views of race. The majority of research on college students’ racial identities and racialized political activity focuses on conventional understandings of racial identity, which rely on the assumption that there are five singular racial categories – black/African American, Latino/a, white, Asian American, and Native American. Less is known about racial identities and corollary political activity which falls outside these boundaries. My dissertation addresses this gap through a two-tieredanalysis. First, I comparatively examine how students come to organize/mobilize around two identities which challenge singular or “monoracial” conceptualizations of race: (1) biracial identity and (2) “people of color” identity. Second, I examine how monoracially oriented student services (i.e., black student service offices) respond to such organization/mobilization. Study of these processes within the particular domain of higher education can assist student service practitioners in the formulation and implementation of programming on increasingly diverse campuses and can provide insight into how students can more fully participate in their universities’ public life. My methods of data collection include interviews (N = 90) with students and administrators, student focus groups, observation, and archival research.

Table of Contents

• Dedication
• Acknowledgements
• Abstract
• Chapter 1: Introduction: The Changing Nature of Race in Post-Civil Rights Society
• Part 1: Institutional Histories: Understanding the Racial Dynamics of Three Universities
  • Chapter 2: Western University: The Long, Strange Path from Racial Leftism to Colorblindness
  • Chapter 3: California University: A Bastion of Conservatism Rethinks its Identity in the Post-Affirmative Action Era
  • Chapter 4: Bay University: A Majority-Minority School Struggles and Embraces Multiculturalism
• Part 2: The Construction and Mobilization of Biracial Identity: Disrupting the Monoracial Landscape of Universities
  • Chapter 5: Western University and California University: Biracial Students: Facing Double Consciousness, Otherness, and the Complexities of Organizing
  • Chapter 6: Bay University: The Force of Working Class Status, the One Drop Rule, and Mestizaje: The Absence of Biracial Students
• Part 3: “We all share the same struggle”: Coalition Building and the Formation of People of Color Identity among University Students
  • Chapter 7: Western University: The Power of Students of Color: A Tradition of Resistance Continues in the Wake of Proposition 209
  • Chapter 8: California University: Contesting Apathy and the Strength of Monoracialism: Students of Color Struggle to Engage New Racial Politics
  • Chapter 9: Bay University: Working Class Obligations, Segregation, and the Black-Brown Conflict: The Diminishment of Coalitions and People of Color Identity among Students
  • Chapter 10: Conclusion
• Bibliography

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Black-White interracial parenting in the Midwest: Naturalistic inquiry into race-related experiences, race identity choices, and education realities

University of South Dakota
May 2009
133 pages
Publication Number: AAT 3367641
ISBN: 9781109276206

Anita A. Manning

A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Education

On November 4, 2008, the United States of America elected the first biracial president, Barack Hussein Obama, a Black man of Black and White heritage. President Obama’s self-claimed identity reinforced this image. Many of the laws and ways of classifying people changed since President Obama’s generation and with these changes arose a growing population of people with one White parent and one Black parent. This group claimed neither a Black nor White identity, but rather a biracial identity. “Biracial is not currently a recognized racial category within the American cultural landscape” (Rockquemore & Brunsma, 2002, p. 336).

According to Root (1996), “The US Census (1992) reported that while the number of monoracial white babies was 15%, the number of Black/White biracial babies has grown almost 500%” (p. xv). For the first time in history, the number of biracial babies is increasing at a faster rate than the number of monoracial babies (p. xiv). Root (1996) referred to this phenomenon as the biracial baby boom (Root, 1996, p. xv).

This qualitative naturalistic inquiry study described the experiences of six interracial couples raising biracial children. The interracial couples consisted of Black men married to White women. The source of information for this study came from individual audio-recorded face-to-face interviews from the 12 participants. The interviews were transcribed, verified by the participants, and analyzed by the researcher and a peer debriefer for themes. Themes of the six interracial couple’s experiences emerged.

The overall consensus of the respondents was that society has not changed significantly during the past 10 years. The participants are still experiencing discrimination, racism, negative classification, social rejection, marginalization, negative stereotypes, exclusion, and ignorance from the members and practices of society.

Most of the participants’ experienced their children being excluded, marginalized, and forgotten at school, and shared situations of condemnation, name calling, and racist remarks. At parent conferences, practices of not having eye contact with the Black father and directing communication toward the White mother were reported.

The participants in this study voiced concern about teachers, principals, and administrators lacking knowledge in regard to the teaching of biracial students. Respondents stated that teachers had low expectations of biracial students and used low-level curriculum.

Table of Contents

• 1. Introduction
  • Statement of Problem
  • Purpose of the Study
  • Research Questions
  • Significance of the Study
  • Definition of Terms
  • Delimitations
  • Assumptions
  • Organization of the Study
• 2. Review of Selected Literature
  • Historical Classification of People
  • Laws and Customs
  • Marriage
  • Parenting
  • Family Dynamics
  • Extended Families
  • Societal Issues
  • Identity Development
  • Racial/Ethnic Identity Development
  • Biracial Identity Development
  • Models of Biracial Identity Development
  • School Environment
  • School Practices
  • School Achievement
  • Teachers/Staff
  • Summary
• 3. Methodology
  • Purpose of the Study
  • Research Questions
  • Researcher’s Perspective
  • Participants
  • Data Collection
  • Data Analysis
  • Verification
  • Ethical Considerations
  • Dissemination of Results
• 4. Findings
  • Statement of the Problem
  • Purpose of the Study
  • Research Questions
  • Participants
  • Findings
  • Experiences Raising Biracial Children
    • Biracial Parenting
    • Identification/Classification
    • Family
    • President Obama
    • Society
  • Child Development
    • School Environment
    • School Practices/Achievement
    • Teachers
  • Recommendations for Respondents about Making Improvements
    • Society
    • Schools
  • Summary
• 5. Summary Conclusion, Discussion, and Recommendations
  • Summary
    • Purpose of the Study
    • Research Questions
    • Literature Review Summary
    • Methodology
    • Findings
  • Conclusions
  • Discussion
  • Recommendations
    • Recommendations for Practice
  • Recommendations for Further Study
• References
• Appendixes
  • A. Interview Protocol Questions
  • B. Invitation to Participate
  • C. Informed Consent
  • D. Audit Trail

Statement of the Problem

What did parents in this study believe their children experienced in the Midwest in the largest urban environment in South Dakota? This study was designed to explore through a naturalistic research model how a selected small group of these parents experienced the social and educational environment of the community of Sioux Falls, South Dakota, a city of increasing diversity. Additionally, this study was designed by a researcher who herself is a White mother with a Black husband and has raised their son in this environment. The study asked a group of interracial parents what they perceived their biracial children experienced and what meaning the parents ascribed to these experiences that affected the maturation of the children.

There are few research studies that explore interracial parental perceptions of the experiences and meanings that these parents believe their children experience. While literature on self-identity is extensive, little is written to identify what an increasing number of interracial parents in an urban center in the Midwest (Sioux Falls, South Dakota) have seen as the experiences of their children. The problem of this study was to identify and explore parental perceptions regarding the matters of their children’s racial identity, personal efficacy, and self-worth that might influence social acceptance and educational achievement.

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Identifying Interventions to Improve the Retention of Biracial Students: A Case Study

Journal of College Student Retention: Research, Theory and Practice 
Volume 5, Number 4 (2003-2004)
pages 349-363

Nicole Sands
Johnson & Wales University, Colorado

John H. Schuh, Distinguished Professor of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies
Iowa State University

Biracial students represent a growing number of students on many campuses and an increasingly significant segment of the population of the United States. Nevertheless, this group of students rarely has been studied with respect as to how their experiences affect persistence at colleges and universities. This case study reports on the experiences of biracial students at one institution. It also analyzes their racial identity development and presents recommendations designed to improve their persistence to graduation framed by Tinto’s theory of academic departure. Recommendations for additional study are presented.

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College Students’ Multiracial Identity Perceptions and Experiences of Programs and Associations

Oregon State University
2011-04-19
89 pages

Lauren S. Plaza

A Thesis submitted to Oregon State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science

This thesis examined the identity transitions that occurred prior to enrollment at a predominantly, White, large, public research university and after completing at least one year of college for students who identify as multiracial. As a secondary purpose, this thesis also examined whether these students sought support through groups that are similar to their ethnic and cultural identities. Using a sample of 10 interviews and a review of the secondary research literature, the principal findings of this thesis are that multiracial students identify differently based on their age, physical appearance, and consciousness about their racialized heritage. Participation in student programs and associations was examined in conjunction with student identity development. In order to encourage success for the multiracial students at a large, public, research institution, the findings from this research suggest that there is a need to expand existing monoracial programs to include broader definitions of racialized categories. There is also a need to develop new programs and associations that are specifically targeted to multiracial students. By making these changes university administrators may be able to support the adjustment and transition to college for students who are often not included in one of the five recognized racial categories.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

• Chapter 1: Introduction
  • United States Data and National Trends
  • Higher Education and Multiracial Students
  • Research topic and Proposed Thesis
  • Definition of Key Terms
• Chapter 2: Literature Review
  • History of Higher Education and Access for Students of National Data
  • Multiracial Students on College Campuses and Related Theories
  • Assessment of Current Services and Programs
  • Conclusion
• Chapter 3: Methods
  • Research Design Overview
  • Participants and Recruitment Methods
  • Data Analysis
  • Personal Disclosure
  • Summary
• Chapter 4: Results
  • Data Collection
  • Summary of Participants
  • Summary
• Chapter 5: Conclusion
  • General Conclusions
  • Anticipated Findings
  • Unanticipated Findings
  • Implications for Practice
  • Limitations
  • Recommendations for Further Research
  • Concluding Thoughts
• References
• Appendices

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Environmental Influences on the Development of Female College Students Who Identify as Multiracial/Biracial-Bisexual/Pansexual

Journal of College Student Development
Volume 52, Number 4 (July/August 2011)
pages 440-455
E-ISSN: 1543-3382 Print ISSN: 0897-5264

Alissa R. King, Instructor in Social Sciences
Iowa Central Community College

Using Renn’s (2000, 2004) ecology of college student development model as a theoretical framework, I report and discuss the findings of my study involving 6 female college students who identify as multiracial/biracial-bisexual/pansexual. I describe how these findings validate Renn’s model, specifically discussing how the campus environment influenced the students’ identity development in relation to three themes that emerged from my study: trying on, negotiating self, and finding fit. Finally, I discuss the implications of the results of my study for student affairs practice.

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Who Are We? Producing Group Identity through Everyday Practices of Conflict and Discourse

Sociological Perspectives
Volume 54, Number 2 (Summer 2011)
pages. 139-162
DOI: 10.1525/sop.2011.54.2.139

Jennifer A. Jones, SBS Diversity Post Doctoral Fellow
Ohio State University, Columbus

Multiracials have the flexibility to opt out of multiracial identity, to shift identities depending on context and are characterized by in-group diversity. Given this fluid space, how do multiracials come to see themselves as a collective? This article describes an empirical example of collectivization processes at work. Specifically, the author observed the process of collective identity-building though ethnographic research in a mixed-race student-run organization. This case study indicates that group identity formation is a negotiated process involving strategies to achieve a sense of belonging and cohesion. The author shows that overtime, by using experiences of social conflict to construct shared experiences, the members of this mixed-race organization developed collective identity In so doing, their experience underscores how collective identity development is socially constructed and how micropractices are essential components of group formation.

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